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COLU/nBINE LIBRARY. ?
^
Gulliver's Travels
By
Dean Swift.
,^,
w
JOHN VVANAMAKER,
I-HILADELPHIA. NEW YORK.
WOVO. UTAH "^
PREFACE.
Through the kindness of the Rev. Charles Bathurst Wood-
man, the editor is enabled to offer to the reader some inter-
esting documents respecting the original publication of Gul-
liver's Travels which have not been hitherto made public. In
the Life of Swift, it has been stated that these Travels were
originally designed to form part of a Satire on the Abuse of
Human Learning, projected by Swift, Pope, and Arbuthnot
conjointly. The plan of the work was probably suggested
by the celebrated treatise of Ludovicus Vives, *'De Abusu
Literarum," and Lucian's True History; and the part of it
completed on the original design was published as the
Memoirs of Martimus Scriblerus. In the notes to this edi-
tion, it has been stated that the first hint of these Travels ap-
pears in Scriblerus, also that the pedantic Martin was origm-
ally designed to be the hero of the tale, and that Pope^was
by no means pleased when the erudite scholar was supplant-
ed by the plain, sturdy seaman, Lemuel Gulliver. Having
so far deviated from the original plan. Swift perceived that
he had a favorable opportunity for assailing his political
enemies under the guise of fictitious characters: his own
disappointments were aggravated by the sufferings of his
friend Bishop Atterbury, who had been exiled by an act of
attainder,— a measure of questionable justice at all times,
and in this instance equally harsh and unnecessary. The
notes will show that Swift fully availed himself of the op-
portunitv. ,
When the work was completed, he appears to have become
alarmed, and anxious to conceal his authorship, for the min-
isters of the day had shown little scruple in the use of means
for crushing a political adversary, and the law of libel was
administered with more than ordinary severity. Some of the
artifices which the Dean em.ployed to save himself from the
Attorney-General are mentioned in the Life; we shall now
4 PREFACE.
show that he at first kept his secret from his publisher. The
following is the letter which was sent with the MS. when it
was offered for publication.
(Copy.)
For Mr. Motte. London, Aug-ust 8th, 1726.
Sir: My cousin, Mr. Lemuel Gulliver, intrusted me some years ago
with a copy of his Travels; whereof that which I here send you is
about a fourth part, for I shortened them very much, as you will find
In my preface to the reader. I have shown them to several persons
of g-reat judgment and distinction, who are confident they will sell
very well. And although some parts of this and the following vol-
umes, may be thought in one or two places to be a little satirical,
yet it is agreed they will give no offense, but in that you must judge
for yourself, and take the advice of your friends, and if they or you
be of another opinion, you may let me know it when you return these
papers, which I expect shall be in three days at furthest. The good
report I have received of you makes me put so great a trust Into
your hands, which I hope you will give me no reason to repent, and in
that confidence, I require that you will never suffer these papers to De
once out of your sight.
As the printing these Travels will probably be of great value to you,
so as a manager for my friend and cousin, T expect you will give
a due consideration for it, because I know the author intends the
profit for the use of the poor seamen, and I am advised to say, that
two hundred pounds is the least sum I will receive on his account;
but if it shall happen that the sale will not answer as I expect and
believe, then whatever shall be thought too much, even upon your own
. word, shall be duly repaid.
Perhaps you may think this a strange way of proceeding to a man
of trade, but since I begin with so great a trust to you whom I never
saw, I think it not hard that you should trust me as much; there-
fore if, after three days reading and consulting these papers, you
think it proper to stand to my agreement, you may begin to print
them, and the subsequent parts shall be all sent you, one after an-
other, in less than a week, provided that immediately upon your reso-
lution to print them, you do within three days, deliver a bank bill
of two hundred pounds, wrapped up so as to make a parcel, to the
hand from whence you receive this, who will come in the same man-
ner exactly at nine o'clock on Thursday, which will be the 11th in-
stant.
If you do not approve of this proposal, deliver these papers to the
person who will come on Thursday.
If you choose rather to send the papers, make no other proposal
of your own, but just barely write on a piece of paper that you do
not accept my offer.
I am. Sir, your humble servant
RICHARD SYMPSON.
On a slip of paper which seems to have been inclosed in
the preceding letter, the following postscript appears:
To Mr. Motte, August 13th, 1726.
P. S.— I would have both volumes come out together, and published
by Christmas at furthest. R. SYMPSON.
It appears that this communication was made through Mr.
Erasmus Lewis, who was intimately connected with Atter-
bury, and that neither Pope, Gay, nor Arbuthnot were ad-
mitted into the secret, though some intimation of it was con-
PREFACE. 5
veyed to Lord Bolingbroke. Mr. Motte's answer to the pro-
posal, though very business-Hke, leads to a suspicion that he
had penetrated the secret, or at least that he guessed the un-
known author to be a person of some importance.
(Copy of Mr. Motte's reply to Sympson's first proposal.)
Sir: I return you your papers with a great many thanks, and do
assure you that since they have been in my custody, I liave faithfully
deserved the good opinion you expressed of my integrity, but you
were much mistaken in the estimate you made of my abilities when
you supposed me able in vacation time (the most dead season of the
year), at so short notice to deposit so considerable a sum as £200.
By delivering the papers to the bearer, I have put you entirely in the
same condition you were in before I saw them, but if you will trust
my promise, or accept any security you can contrive or require for
the payment of the money in six months, I will comply with any meth-
od you shall propoye. In the meantime I shall trust to your honor,
and promise that what shall appear to be more than the success of it
deserves shall be repaid, as you may depend upon a proper acknowl-
edgment, if the success answers or exceeds expectation. I have only
to add, that before I received your letter, I had fixed a journey into
the country, and v/rote to some dealers there to appoint times when
I should call upon them, so that I shall be obliged to set out this day
sennight at farthest; therefore if you think fit to favor me with any
further correspondence, desire I may hear from you as soon as possi-
ble.
A considerable delay appears to Ijave intervened, the cause
of which is not explained, but it probably arose from Swift's
caution, and fear of Walpole's vengeance. His next letter is
dated in the spring of the following year. Mr. C. B. Wood-
man has compared it with other letters of Swift in his pos-
session, and believes it to have been written by the Dean,
though in a feigned hand.
(Copy.)
These for Mr. Motte, a Bookseller at the Middle Temple Gate, in
Fleet Street.
Mr. Motte: I sent this inclosed by a friend to be sent to you, to
desire that you would go to the house of Erasmus Lewis, on Cork
Street, behind Burlington House, and let him know that you are
come from me; for to the said Mr. Lewis I have given full power to
treat concerning my cousin Gulliver's book, and whatever he and you
shall settle, I will consent to, so I have written to him. You will
see him best early in the morning.
1 am your humble servant,
April 27th, 1727. RICHARD SYMPSON.
Mr. Motte seems to have lost no time in bringing the en-
gagement to a close, for on the same sheet with the forego-
ing is the following memorandum in another handwriting :
London, May 4th, 1727.— I am fully satisfied. E. LEV^IS,
6 PREFACE.
The following fragment of another letter on the same sub-
ject shows that the bookseller was anxious to comply with all
the requisitions of the author. The beginning is lost.
That the book shall be published within a month after I receive
the copy, and if the success will allow it I will punctually pay the
money you require in six months. I shall thankfully embrace the
offer. The bearer stays for an answer, so tnat I can only offer a
proposal without assigning a reason.
These documents were preserved by Charles Bathurst,
Esq., the grandfather of the Rev. Charles Bathurst Wood-
man, who was originally in partnership with Mr. Benjamin
Motte. The Rev. C. B. Woodman, on seeing this new edi-
tion of Gulliver's Travels, proffered the copies of these in-
teresting documents to the editor, though personally un-
known to him, and the editor takes this opportunity of pub-
licly expressing his thanks for so valuable an edition to
Literary History.
Of the editor's own share in this work little need be said.
Many years ago, when studying English History, he ob-
tained access to a valuable collection of books and pamphlets
relating to the reigns of Anne and the first two Georges,
belonging to a late prelate of the Church of Ireland.
Amongst these was a copy of Gulliver's Travels with MS.
notes, identifying some of the characters. These were cop-
ied by permission, and at a subsequent^ period it became a
source of amusement to extend and verify them.
In compiling the life of Swift, the editor has not disguised
his want of affection for the character of this hero; but
though unable to make the biography a eulogy, he has en-
deavored that it should not become a philippic. There are
good points in the worst men, and bad in the best. Human
life is the acted allegory of Beauty and the Beast.
W. C. T.
London.
CONTENTS.
Page
Preface 3
Life of Swift 13
The Publisher to the Reader 51
A Letter from Captain Gulliver to his Cousin Sympson 53
A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.
CHAPTER I.
The Author gives some Account of Himself and family— His first in-
ducements to Travel— He is shipwrecked, and swims for his Life-
Gets safe on Shore in the Country of Lilliput— Is made a Prisoner,
and carried up the Country 57
CHAPTER II.
The Emperor of Lilliput, attended by several of the Nobility, comes
to see the Author in his Confinement— The Emperor's Person and
Habit described — Learned Men appointed to teach the Author
their Language — He gains Favor by his Mild Disposition — His
Pockets are searched, and his Sword and Pistols taken from
him 69
CHAPTER IIL
The Author diverts the Emperor, and his Nobility of both sexes in a
very uncommon manner— The Diversions of the Court of Lilliput
described— The Author has his liberty granted him upon certain
conditions 78
CHAPTER IV.
Milendo, the Metropolis of Lilliput described, together with the Em-
peror's Palace— A conversation between the Author and a principal
Secretary, concerning the affairs of that Empire — The Author
offers to serve the Emperor in his wars S7
CHAPTER V.
The Author by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion— A
high Title of Honor is conferred upon him— Ambassadors arrive
from the Emperor of Biefuscu, and sue for Peace— the Empress's
Apartments on Fire by accident, the Author instrumental in saving
the rest of the Palace 92
8 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Page
Of the Inhabitants of Lilliput; their Learning, Laws, and Customs;
the manner of educating their children— The Author's way of liv-
ing in that Country— His Vindication of a great Lady 99
CHAPTER VIL
The Author, being informed of a design to accuse him of High Trea-
son, makes his Escape to Blefuscu— His Reception there 108
CHAPTER VIII.
The Author, by a lucky accident finds means to leave Blefuscu; and,
after some difficulties, returns safe to his Native Country 117
Appendix to the Voyage to Lilliput 123
Ode to Quinbus Flestrin, by Titty Tit, Esq 130
A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG.
CHAPTER I.
A great Storm described; the Longboat sent to fetch Water, the Au-
thor goes with it to discover the Country— H© is left on Shore, is
seized by one of the Natives, and carried to a Farmer's House—
His reception, with several accidents that happened there— A de-
scription of the Inhabitants 133
CHAPTER 11.
A description of the Farmer's Daughter — The Author carried to a
Market Town, and thence to the Metropolis— The particulars of
his Journey 145
CHAPTER III.
The Author sent for to Court— The Queen buys him of his Master the
Farmer, and presents him to the King— He disputes with his Maj-
esty's great Scholars— An apartment at Court provided for the
Author— He is in high favor with the Queen— He stands up for the
honor of his own Country — His Quarrels with the Queen's
Dwarf •* 151
CHAPTER IV.
The Country described— A proposal for correcting modern Maps— The
King's Palace, and some account of the Metropolis— The Author's
way of Traveling— The Chief Temple described 160
CHAPTER V.
Several Adventures that happened to the Author— The Execution of a
Criminal— The Author shows his skill in Navigation 165
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Page
Several contrivances of the Author to please the King- and Queen— He
shows his skill in Music— The King- inquires into the state of Eng-
land, which the Author relates to him— The King's Observations
thereon 174
CHAPTER VII.
The Author's love of his Country— He makes a proposal of much ad-
vantage to the King, which is rejected— The King's great ignorance
in Politics— The Learning of that Country very imperfect and con-
fined—The Laws and Military Affairs and parties in the State.. 184
CHAPTER VIII.
The King and Queen make a progress to the Frontiers— The Author
attends them— The manner in which he leaves the Country very
particularly related— He returns to England 190
The Lamentation of Glumdalclitch for the Loss of Grildrig 201
A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, ETC.
CHAPTER I.
The Author sets out on his Third Voyage— Is taken by Pirates— The
malice of a Dutchman — His arrival at an Island — He is received in
Laputa 208
CHAPTER II.
The Humors and Disposition of the Laputians described— An account
of their Learning— Of the King and his Court— The Author's recep-
tion there— The Inhabitants subject to Fear and Disquietude— An
account of the Women 208
CHAPTER III.
A Phenomenon solved by modern Philosophy and Astronomy— The
Laputians' great Improvement irf the latter— The King's method of
suppressing Insurrections 216
CHAPTER IV.
The Author Leaves Laputa— Is conveyed to Balnibar— Arrives at the
Metropolis— A description of the Metropolis and of the Country
adjoining— The Author hospitably received by a great Lord— His
conversation with that Lord 221
CHAPTER V.
The Author permitted to see the Grand Academy of Lagado— The
Academy largely described— The Arts wherein the Professors
employ themselves 227
10 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Pag-e
A further account of the Academy— The Author proposes some Im-
proveiments, which' are honorably received 236
CHAPTER VII.
The Author Leaves Lag-ado— Arrives at Maldonada^— No Ship ready-
He takes a short Voyage to Glubbdubdrib— His reception by the
Governor 243
CHAPTER VIIL
A farther account of Glubbdubdrib— Ancient and modern History cor-
retcted i > % 247
CHAPTER IX.
The Author returns to Maldonada— Sails to the King-dom of Luggnagg
—The Author confined— He is sent for to Court— The manner of his
admittance^The King's g-reat Lenity to his subjects 252
CHAPTER X.
The Luggnaggians commended— A particular Description of the Struld-
brjigs, with many conversations between the Author and some emi-
nent Persons upon that subject 256
CHAPTER XI.
The Author leaves Luggnagg, and sails to Japan— From thence he
returns in a Dutch ship to Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam to
Eng-land : 264
APPENDIX.
Ballad on the South Sea Scheme 255
A South Sea Ballad 275
Upon the Horrid Plot discovered by Harlequin, the Bishop of
Rochester's French Dog- 278
A VOYAGE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE HOUYHNHNMS.
CHAPTER T.
The Author sets out as Captain of a Ship— His Men conspire against
him, confine him a long time to his Cabin, and set him on Shore in
an unknown Land— He travels up into the Country— The Yahoos, a
strange sort of Animal, described— The Author meets two Houyhn-
hnms 281
CONTENTS. 11
CHAPTER II.
Page
The Author conducted by a Houyhnhnm to his House — The House
described— The Author's Reception— The Food of the Houyhnhnms
—The Author in distress for want of Meat— Is at last relieved— His
manner of Feeding in this Country 287
CHAPTER III.
The Author studies to learn the language— The Houyhnhnm, his Mas-
ter, assists in teaching him — The Language described— Several Hou-
yhnhnms of quality come out of curiosity to see the Author— He
gives his Master a short Account of his Voyage 293
CHAPTER IV.
The Houyhnhnm's notion of Truth and Falsehood— The Author's Dis-
course disapproved by his Master— The Author gives a more par-
ticular account of himself, and the accidents of his Voyage 298
CHAPTER V.
The Author, at his Master's command, informs him of the State of
England— The causes of War among the Princes of Europe — The
Author begins to explain the English Constitution 303
CHAPTER VI.
A Continuation of the State of England under Queen Anne — The Char-
acter of a first Minister of State in European Courts 309
CHAPTER VII.
The Author's great love of his native Country — His Master's Observa-
tions upon the Constitution and Administration of England, as
described by the Author, with parallel cases and comparisons— His
Master's Observations upon Human Nature 315
CHAPTER VIII.
The Author relates several particulars of the Yahoos— The great Vir-
tues of the Houyhnhnms — The Education and Exercise of their
Youth— Their General Assembly 323
CHAPTER IX.
A grand Debate at the General Assembly of the Houyhnhnms, and
how it was terminated — The Learning of the Houyhnhnms — Their
Buildings— Their manner of Burials— The defectiveness of their
Language , 329
CHAPTER X.
The Author's Economy and happy Life among the Houyhnhnms— His
great improvement in Virtue by conversing with them — Their Con-
versations—The Author has notice given him by his Master, that he
must depart from the Country— He falls into a Swoon for grief, but
submits— He contrives and finishes a Canoe by the help of a fellow-
servant, and puts to Sea at a venture 334
12 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
Page
The Author's dangerous Voyage— He arrives at New Holland, hoping
to settle there — Is wounded with an Arrow by one of the Natives —
Is seized and carried by force into a Portuguese Ship — The great
civilities of the Captain— The Author arrives in England 341
CHAPTER XII.
The Author's Veracity— His design in Publishing this Work— His cen-
sure of those Travelers who swerve from the truth — The Author
clears himself from any sinister ends in Writing — An objection
answered — The method of planting Colonies — His native Country
commended — The right of the Crown to those countries described
by the Author is justified — The difficulty of conquering them — The
Author takes his last leave of the Reader; proposes his manner of
living for the future; gives good advice, and concludes 348
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
Lives of Swift are so numerous that it may seem equally
superfluous and presumptuous to add another to their num-
ber, especially as the diligence of former biographers has
left few new materials to be collected, and scarcely any new
conjectures to be hazarded. There is, however, perhaps,
no person whose life is so full of interest and instruction to
literary aspirants, so replete with encouragement to pursue
a course of honorable industry, and so rife with examples of
the perils that attend every abandonment of principle. Born
in obscurity and almost in destitution — educated by the pre-
carious charity of relations — sent from his university with no
honor, and some disgrace — employed as secretary by a
statesman possessing no patronage, and yet exacting more
than the ordinary homage of a patron, Swift's early years ex-
hibit nothing but the humiliation of genius, and the sick-
ness of heart arising from hopes deferred. Yet, by steady
exertion of talent he won his way forward, and at a remark-
able crisis saw himself courted and honored by all the leaders
of parties, who divided the power of England. In the classic
reign of Anne, wit and nobility shared public influence be-
tween them ; the pen of Addison was not less valuable to his
party than the sword of Marlborough, and Bolingbroke most
sufificiently supported his cabinet in his study.
At the very moment that the Whigs had "burned them-
selves while trying to roast a parson," and had lost the con-
fidence of Queen and people, Swift, who had hitherto been
their vehement supporter, went over at once to the Tories,
and assailed his old ahies with all the rancor of a renegade.
He became politically powerful, and morally powerless;
dreaded by all, loved by few, respected by none. His new
14 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
patrons dared not pay the price which he expected for his
desertion; they shelved him in the deanery of St. Patrick,
and ere long their removal from power seemed to consign
him to hopeless obscurity.
Having vainly tried to sell himself once more, Swift vowed
vengeance on those who rejected his offer. A proposal for a
copper coinage gave him an opportunity of convulsing his
country; he roused the passions of an excitable people by a
system of audacious misrepresentation, and was rewarded
by an extent of popularity which at that time was unprece-
dented in Ireland. He had thus organized an immense
power, capable of producing great results; he employed it
merely to harass an obnoxious ministry and to lacerate some
semi-obscure individuals who had provoked his resentment.
The power dwindled away from desuetude; disappointed
ambition nurtured a tendency to misanthropy which the feel-
ings of dependence in early life had formed, the mind yielded
to the corrosion of the heart.
And Swift expired, a changeling and a show.
His private life was no less extraordinary. He felt the
passion of love with the same force and keenness said to be
experienced by Eastern guardians of the harem, and like
them he displayed all the acerbity and inconsistency inciden-
tal to their unfortunate position. At one time he spiritual-
ized his passion to a more shadowy tenuity than had yet been
attained in the dreams of Platonism; and again, he passed
into the wildest excesses of the opposite extreme, and wal-
lowed in the filth of the most disgusting obscenity. Yet, three
lovely and amiable v^omen bestowed their affections upon
him; and two were the victims of his caprices and his selfish-
ness. Unhappy himself, and the cause of unhappiness to
those he loved most dearly, private life afforded the Dean
no consolation for the disappointments of his public career;
if at one time he showed that true genius cannot be crushed
by misfortune, at another he proved that fame can only be
preserved by continued exertion. His entire career teaches
that political influence is only valuable when beneficially ex-
tended, and that renown will never give comfort to the soul,
unless the applause from without is seconded by self-ap-
proval from within.
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 15
I.
Jonathan Swift was descended from a younger branch of
the Swift family in the county of York. His father was the
sixth or seventh son of the Rev. Thomas Swift, vicar of
Goderich, and was bred to the profession of an attorney.
The extensive confiscations in Ireland consequent on the
civil wars of 1641, and subsequently ratified by the Acts of
Settlement and Explanation, had transferred a vast amount
of Irish property to English companies and land-owners,
who were compelled to employ agents in the management
of their new estates. These agencies were very lucrative;
they laid the foundation of the fortunes of many families,
such as that of the Beresfords, which have since been added
to the ranks of the nobility. Swift, through the interest of
some family connection obtained one of these profitable em-
ployments and removed to Dublin; but before he could
derive much advantage from the employment, he died, leav-
ing a pregnant widow with very slender provision.
Jonathan Swift, the child thus before birth deprived of a
parent's care, was born in Dublin, at a small house in Hoey's
Court, which is still shown by the residents in the neighbor-
hood. The day of his birth w^as November, 30th, 1667, an
anniversary which, to the close of his life, he observed as a
day of fasting and sadness, never failing to read the third
chapter of the book of Job on each of its successive returns.
Richard Brennan,''' the servant in whose arms he died, stated
that one of the few instances of a lucid interval during his
fatal malady was a glim.mering consciousness of his birthday,
which he showed by frequently repeating w^hen it came
round, "Let the day perish wherein I was born, and the
night in which it was said there is a man-child conceived."
Mrs. Swift was supported by her brother-in-law, Godwin
Swift, who undertook the education of his nephew; but
while the boy was yet an infant, a singular event removed
him for a time from the care of his uncle and mother. The
nurse who had him in charge was a native of Whitehaven;
on the death of a relation she succeeded to a small legacy,
* Richard Brennan survived his master many years; a pension was
paid him by Mr. G. M. Berkeley, through the hands of T. Kin.^, Sr.,
commissioner in London for the Irish courts of law; and to his kind-
ness I am indebted for this interesting anecdote.
16 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
which required her presence in England; she was so fondly
attached to the infant that she stole him away from his moth-
er, and carried him across the Channel. His delicate health,
and the difficulty of procuring a passage in those days, pre-
vented his being sent back for more than three years. When
he returned to Dublin, it appeared that his nurse had taken
extraordinary pains with his education, for though barely
five years of age, he could spell tolerably, and read a little
in the Bible.
At the age of six years, Swift was sent to the school of
Kilkenny, a collegiate establishment founded by the Ormond
family, and always among the best regulated of the endowed
schools of Ireland. A desk on which Swift carved his name
with a penknife is still shown to visitors at Kilkenny.
In his fourteenth year Swift entered the University of
Dublin; it appears from the registers that he entered as a
pensioner under St. George Ashe, on the 24th of April, .1682.
His cousin, Thomas Swift, entered at the same time, and the
two Swifts appearing on the registers without their christian
names, created some confusion, which, however, has been in
a great degree dispelled by the patient industry of the late
Dr. Barrett.
Swift's career as a student was not very creditable to him.
He showed an invariable repugnance to logic, which was
then the favored science, and a thorough contempt for the
sophisms of Smiglecius, Keckermannus, and Burgersdicius;
grave authorities in their day, but now scarcely known by
name. From his neglect of collegiate studies Swift had no
chance of obtaining honors; he did not even acquire the
limited information necessary to graduate, and only obtained
his degree of Bachelor of Arts by special favor, a term used
in Dublin to designate want of merit. Swift remained three
years longer in the university, and formed one of a clique
remarkable for their irregularities and breaches of collegiate
discipHne. Their disorders brought upon them the censure
of the heads of the university, which they retorted by lam-
poons of more bitterness than wit. For one of these breaches
of decorum, Swift was severely admonished, and compelled
to beg pardon of the dean, Dr. Allen, on his knees; this
degradation was keenly felt, and more than twenty years
afterwards Swift introduced a philippic agamst Dr. Allen
into his attack on Lord Berkeley's administration of the Irish
BlOaRAFHiCAL NOTICE. 11
government. Amid these follies, Swift formed a taste for the
peculiar style of satire in which he subsequently became so
famous. Before leaving college he showed his first sketch of
the 'Tale of a Tub" to Mr. Waring, his chum, or chamber-
fellow, a gentleman with whose family he at one time de-
signed to form a more tender connection. He became ac-
quainted with his chum's sister. Miss Waring, and either
fancied or formed an attachment, which circumstances pre-
vented him from disclosing at the time.
On the death of his uncle Godwin, Swift was left without
resources; but another uncle, Dryden William Swift, came
to his aid, and though he had not much in his power to be-
stow, the benevolence of his nature and the tenderness of his
manner enhanced the value of his gifts. The son of this
kind uncle, Willoughby Swift, was a merchant in Lisbon,
and generously contributed to the support of his cousin.
Many years afterwards, the Dean of St. Patrick's used to
relate an incident in his college life, of which Willoughby
was the hero, with grateful acknowledgments of well-timed
generosity.
He was sitting despondingly in his rooms, contemplating
the college picture of misery — a scanty library, a naked
board, and an empty purse — when his attention was aroused
by some noise in the court ; he looked out and saw a foreign-
looking sailor apparently inquiring his way to the apartments
of some student, and probably perplexed by the waggeries
for which the undergraduates of Dublin were long famous.
It suddenly came into his head that this might possibly be
the bearer of a message from his cousin Willoughby; no im-
probable conjecture, for Ireland had at the time a consider-
able foreign trade with Spain and Portugal. He immediate-
ly hastened down, and found that he had guessed aright.
The stranger came with him to his room, produced a well-
stocked purse, presented it as an offering from his cousin
Willoughby, and refused to receive any portion of its con-
tents as a reward.
Under the circumstances in which Swift was placed, a
small sum of money usually leads to extravagance, while the
acquisition of a large sum generally leads to habits of econ-
omy, if not of parsimony. Such was the effect produced on
Swift; he became very prudent in money matters, and per-
2
18 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
haps niggardly, a character which he maintained to the end
of his Hfe.
The year 1688 was one of painful anxiety to Ireland; the
fate of the Protestant Church and of the forfeited estates
hung in the balance. The success of James II. would have
given ascendency to the Latin Church, and the Irish lands
to the heirs of the old proprietors ; nor was it at all clear that
William III. would not have made a compromise with the
Irish party, as he at first offered, which would have closed
the doors of preferment against English adventurers and
their descendants. Swift saw the danger; he accordingly
left Dublin, and came over to England on a visit to his moth-
er, who then resided in Leicestershire. Mrs. Swift, whose
own means of support were precarious, could do nothing for
her son, but she recommended him to seek the advice and
patronage of Sir William Temple, who had married one of
her relations. Temple was a profound statesman, an accom-
plished scholar, and an experienced courtier; he was not
therefore likely to be prepossessed in favor of a raw Irish
student, who was hitherto known only for his irregularities
and his^ deficiency of information ; he took Swift into his ser-
vice, but for some time showed him no marks of confidence
or afifection. The two years, however, w^hich the young man
spent with Sir William Temple at Moor Park, laid the foun-
dation of his future fortunes ; he became a diligent student,
devoting eight hours every day to an extensive course of
reading: but it is probable that he gained still more valuable
information from the accomplished diplomatist, who had
taken an active share in all the important negotiations be-
tween the Restoration and the Revolution. Plence arises
the marked difference between Swift's political pamphlets
and those published by any other man of letters ; they argue
only on what appears on the public stage ; he, on the other
hand, manifests an intimate familiarity with the machinery
behind the scenes ; they wrote as spectators, he as an actor.
His severe studies injured Swift's health; a severe attack
of indigestion brought on fits of giddiness united to deafness,
and he continued subject to them for the rest of his life. He
was persuaded to try his native air, but deriving no benefit
from a short visit to Dublin, he returned to Moor Park and
resumed his studies.
Temple introduced Swift to King William, who often came
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 19
to visit the statesman in his retirement. The monarch was
attended by Swift when he walked in the garden, but the only
result from these interviews was the offer of a troop of horse,
which the future Dean refused. King William, however,
taught Swift to eat asparagus in the Dutch way, that is, to
eat both head and stalk, a lesson not thrown away upon a
person of his thrifty disposition.
About this time Swift took his degree as Master of Arts at
Oxford, and was treated there with a respect and attention
by which he was highly gratified. He paid annual visits to
his mother, traveling on foot, and going at night to a penny
lodging, where he purchased the luxury of clean sheets by
an extra gratuity; he thus gratified his passion for witness-
ing vulgar life, and at the same time saved his money. When
the bill for triennial parliaments was strongly urged against
the will of the court, Swift was sent to convey Sir William's
recommendation to the King that the measure should be ac-
cepted. He was honored with an audience; but William HI.,
who had his full share of Dutch obstinacy, disregarded Tem-
ple's remonstrances and the arguments by which his messen-
ger supported them; the bill, by a strong exertion of minis-
terial influence, was rejected in the House of Commons, and
Swift, to the last hour of his life, used to dwell on the disap-
pointment and mortification produced by this failure.
In time he began to grow weary of the dependent life he
led at Moor Park, and solicited Temple to procure him some
public employment. His request not being granted very
speedily, he resigned his situation, and returned to Ireland,
resolved to enter the church, though with no higher hopes
than the chaplaincy of the factory at Lisbon. The bishop to
whom he applied for ordination required a certificate of his
good conduct during his residence at Moor Park. It was
not without great reluctance that he consented to ask any
favor of his former patron ; when he did w^ite, however, his
letter opened the way for a reconciliation; Sir William not
only gave the required certificate, but recommended his for-
mer secretary so effectually to Lord Capel, that Swift ob-
tained the prebend of Kilroot, in the diocese of Connor, then
worth more than a hundred a year, immediately after his ad-
mission to priest's orders.
Under these circumstances he appears to have renewed
rather than commenced his flirtation with Miss Waring, to
20 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
whom he affectedly gave the name of Varina. The courtship,
so far as can be traced, is supremely ridiculous; while the
lady was coy and cold nothing could equal the impetuosity
of the lover, but when, after a long resistance, she unexpect-
edly surrendered at discretion, the lover's ardor suddenly dis-
appeared, the warm epistles to Varina were changed into a
cold, formal letter to Miss Jane Waring, in which all her for-
mer objections to the match were studiously recapitulated,
and it was hinted in terms which could not be misunderstood
that the impatient suitor would be a very reluctant bride-
groom. The lady with proper spirit broke off all intercourse,
and Swift was free to try his arts on a more unfortunate vic-
tim.
He soon grew weary of the stagnation of Kilroot, especial-
ly as his conduct seems not to have been in accordance with
his sacred profession, but to have excited some scandal
among the surrounding gentry. A constant tradition in the
neighborhood records that he was charged with an indecent
assault on a farmer's daughter, and that criminal informa-
tions were sworn against him before Mr. Dobbs, a neighbor-
ing magistrate. Sir William Temple was anxious to get
back a secretary whose ta4ents he had now begun to appre-
ciate; he wrote urgent letters soliciting Swift's return to
Moor Park, and promising to make strenuous efforts for his
promotion. Whilst he still hesitated, he accidentally met a
brother clergyman in one of his excursions, with whose ap-
pearance he was so struck that he formed his acquaintance.
He learned that he was a curate ''passing rich with forty
pounds a year," that he had to support a wife and eight chil-
dren out of this miserable stipend, and that for vv'ant of
interest he had no chance or expectation of promotion. No
man was occasionally more capable of noble acts of benevo-
lence than Swift; he borrowed a favorite black horse from
his new friend, posted up to Dublin, resigned his prebend to
the Lord Deputy, and procured the succession for the meri-
torious curate. On Swift's return he sought the clergyman
and informed him that he had been appointed to a benefice.
Great was the poor curate's pleasure and astonishment, but
greater was his sorrow when he learned that he had been
promoted at the expense of his generous friend. At first
he peremptorily refused to accept the prebend, and when
his reluctant scruples were overcome he insisted that Swift
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 21
should accept his famous black horse as a small token
of his gratitude. Mounted for the first time on a horse of,
his own, and with eighty pounds in his pocket, Swift
departed from Kilroot on his road to England. The mem-
ory of his generosity to the curate is still preserved round
Kilroot, where the favorite black horse is a popular sign.
11.
When Swift resumed his post as secretary at Moor Park,
bright prospects seemed to be opening before him, but it was
at this period that he laid the foundation of all his future
misery, for during his second residence with Sir William
Temple he became acquainted with Miss Esther Johnson,
better known under the poetic name of Stella. The best
account of that unfortunate lady is contained in a letter
addressed by her niece, Mrs. Hearn, to Mr. G. M. Berkeley,
which that gentleman published in his very scarce and enter-
taining volume of Literary Relics.*
''Mrs. Esther Johnson, better known by the name of Stella,
was born at Richmond, in Surrey, on the 13th of March,
1681. Her father was a merchant, and the younger brother
of a good family in Nottinghamshire. He died young, and
left his widow with three children, a son and two daugh-
ters. Whilst Mrs. Johnson lived at Richmond, she had the
happiness of becoming first acquainted with Lady Gififord,
the sister of Sir William Temple. The uncommon endow-
m.ents both of body and mind which Mrs. Johnson certainly
possessed in a high degree, soon gained her not only the
esteem, but the warm friendship of that excellent lady, a
friendship which lasted till death. As they seldom were
apart and Lady Gif¥ord lived much with her brother Sir
William, it w^as through her that Mrs. Johnson and her two
daughters (her son dying young) were brought to the
knowledge and friendship of Sir William Temple and his
lady; who discovering so many excellences and such fine
parts in the little Hetty, as she was ahvays called in the
Temple family, so far took upon themselves the care of her
education as to bring her up with their own niece, the late
Mrs. Temple, of Moor Park, by Farnham; a most accept-
* For the use of this volume the editor is indebted to T. King, Sr.,
Esq., Commissioner in London for the Irish Courts of Law.
22 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
able piece of kindness and friendship this to the mother,
whose Httle portion had been greatly injured by the South
Sea bubbles. And here it was that Dean Swift first became
acquainted with Stella, and commenced that attachment
which terminated in their marriage. The cause why that
marriage was not owned to the world has never been thor-
oughly explained. It is the opinion, however, of her own
family, that their finances not being equal to the style in
which the Dean wished to move as a married man, could be
the only one; Stella's own fortune being only £1,500; £1,000
of which, as a farther mark of friendship, was left by Sir
William Temple himself. It was Dean Swift's wish at last
to have owned his marriage; but finding herself declining
very fast, Stella did not choose to alter her mode of life,
and besides, fully intended coming over to England to her
mother."
It has been said by those who have attempted Swift's
vindication, that he only intended an innocent flirtation
when he first made Stella's acquaintance, and they assign as
a proof that he still continued to press Varina to consent
to a marriage. This will, to most, appear an aggravation
of his offense: no man has a right for his amusement to
trifle with the affections of a young and innocent female, to
win a heart for the express purpose of breaking it, to stake
his fictions against her realities, and when he had won by
the counterfeit, triumph in the cheat and trample on the
loser.
During the four years of Swift's second residence at Moor
Park, he began to appear before the world as a poet, by pub-
Hshing a Pindaric Ode to Temple, to King William, and to
the Athenian Society, "a. knot of obscure men," says Dr.
Johnson, 'Svho published a periodical pamphlet of answers
to the questions sent, or supposed to be sent, by letters."
These verses are of very inferior merit: it is said that when
Dryden perused them, he declared to the mortified author,
"Cousin Swift, you will never be a poet," and to this denun-
ciation the perpetual malevolence which Swift manifested
towards Dryden is generally attributed. It was probably
during this period also that he wrote the 'Tale of a Tub,"
and the "Battle of the Books," but they were not published
until several years after.
In 1699 Sir William Temple died, bequeathing Swift a
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 23
considerable sum of money, and also his manuscripts, which
he probably deemed still more valuable. Before his death
Temple obtained from King William a promise of the first
prebend that should become vacant in Canterbury or West-
minster for his secretary; that this promise might not be
forgotten. Swift dedicated to the King the posthumous
works with which he had been intrusted; but neither the
dedication nor Swift's reiterated applications could induce
the monarch to perform his promise. Some time afterwards
Swift went over to Ireland with Lord Berkeley as his private
secretary; but soon after they reached Dublin a person
named Bush persuaded the Lord Justice that such a situa-
tion was unsuited to a clergyman, and obtained the office
for himself. Nor was this his only mortification; the rich
deanery of Derry became vacant, which Swift expected to
obtain, but through the influence of the secretary it was
bestowed on somebody else, and Swift was dismissed with
the livings of Laracor and Rathbeggin, in the county of
Meath.
At Laracor he increased the parochial duties by reading
prayers on Wednesday and Friday; as this was a novelty,
few of the parishioners at first attended, and on one occa-
sion, Roger the clerk formed the entire congregation. Swift,
with unmoved gravity, began, "Dearly beloved Roger, the
Scripture moveth you and me in sundry places," etc.; and
so went through the entire service. Notwithstanding this
and some other instances of irreverence, which need not
be recorded, he generally performed all the of^ces of his
profession with great decency and exactness.
Soon after his settlement at Laracor^ he invited the unfor-
tunate Stella to Ireland, together with a Mrs. Dingley,
whose presence it was hoped would prevent scandal. With
these ladies he passed his hours of relaxation, and to them
he opened his bosom; but they never resided in the same
house, nor did he ever see them without a witness. They
lived at the parsonage when Swift was away, and when he
returned removed to a lodging, or to the house of a neigh-
boring clergyman. Such a mode of Hfe was necessarily
painful to the lady, nor can there be any plausible defense
made for withholding from her the name and station of a
Vvdfe. Palliations of his conduct have been attempted by
most of his biographers, but the circumstances on which
24 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
they rely must to every person of proper feeling appear
aggravations of his offense.
Swift's first prose work was an Essay on the Dissensions
in Athens and Rome, published in 1701, when the author
had attained his thirty-fourth year. C3n its first appearance
it was generally attributed to Bishop Burnet, a circumstance
which by no means flattered the pride of the author. Three
years afterwards was published the 'Tale of a Tub," a work
which he never directly owned, nor never distinctly denied.
"Charity," says Dr. Johnson, ''may be persuaded to think
that such a work might be written by a man of peculiar char-
acter, without ill attention, but it is of a dangerous example."
Although superstition and fanaticism are always open to
ridicule, and indeed can scarcely be attacked by any other
weapon, because they defy argument and are unassailable
by learning, yet there are certain limits, beyond which the
use of such a weapon is criminal. "The Tale of a Tub" in
many passages outrages common decency, and in the Essay
on the Operations of the Spirit the author has indulged
in impious blasphemy against articles of faith recognized
in every Christian church. vSome have claimed pardon for
the book, because the Established Church, considered as an
institution, is everywhere mentioned with reverence; but
the creed of a church is not less important than its establish-
ment, and Swift's ridicule was not unfrequently, though
unconsciouslv directed ag:ainst doctrines which the Anglican
formularies have placed among the essentials of Christianity.
The digressions relating to Wotton and Bentley display an
equal want of knowledge and integrity; Swift did not under-
stand the controversies, and he misrepresented them at ran-
dom. Posterity has long ago decided between wit and truth.
Bentley has received his due honoWrom scholars, and his
opponents are forgotten. The Battle of the Books is said
by Dr. Johnson to be an imitation of the French Combat
des Livres: there is no use in discussing the question of
originality, for both the French and English works have
been long since consigned to unhonored oblivion.
In the year 1708 he published the "Sentiments of a Church
of England Man," a "Ridicule of Astrology," an "Argument
Against Abolishing Christianity," and a "Defense of the
Sacrimental Test." The "Argument Against^ Abolishing
Christianity" is far the best of these works; it Is written in
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 25
a vein of happy irony, and exposes with just severity the
miserable vanity of those infidels who hope to acquire fame
by an affectation of singularity, and whose notions of glory
are not unlike those of the incendiary of the temple of
Ephesus. In the year following, he published a "Project
for the Advancement of Religion," which, like most such
projects, is quite impracticable.
At this time Swift was a zealous Whig, and wrote several
pamphlets and poetical squibs to support his party; few of
these can now be traced, for the author was subsequently
very anxious to efface all recollection of them. One of them,
''Merlin's Prophecy," designed to flatter the Duke of Marl-
borough, and encourage the English people to persevere in
the war against France, possesses more merit than is usual
in such productions, and it presents, moreover, a curious
contrast to the opinions maintained in Swift's subsequent
writings.
MERLIN'S PROPHECY. 1709.
Seven and ten added to nine,
Of France her woe this is the sygne;
Tamys rivere troys y-frozen;*
Waike sans wetyng shoes ne hozen.
Then comyth foonhe ich understonde
From towne of Stoffe to fattyn londe. 1
An hardie chieftain, woe the morne,
To France that evere he was born.
Then shall the fyshe bewayle his bosse; t
Nor shall grim berrys § make up the losse.
Young Symnelle || shall again miscarry e,
And Norways pryd ttt again shall marrey;
And from the tree where blossoms feele
Ripe fruit shall come and all is wele.
Realms shall daunce honde in honde, **
And it shall be merry in old Inglonde;
Then old Inglonde shall be no more,
And no man shall be soyrie therefore.
Geryon tt shall have three hedes agayne,
Till Hapsburge tt makyth them but twayne.
* "Dec. 25th, 1709, a severe frost set in; it lasted with little inter-
mission three months. The Thames was frozen over; booths were
built upon it, and there were all manners of diversion upon the ice."
—Wade's British History.
t Marlborough. $ The Dauphin of France.
§ The Duke de Berry. || The Pretender.
ttt Queen Anne; her husband had been Prince of Denmark.
** The Union of Scotland and England.
tt A fabulous king of Spain said to have been slain by Hercules.
The three heads are the king of Portugal and the two claimants of
the Spanish crown. Philip of France and Charles of Austria,
tt The Arehduke Charles was of the Hapsburgh family.
26 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
When Lord Wharton became Lord-heutenant of Ireland
Swift appHed through Lord Somers, to whom he then paid
assiduous court, for a recommendation to his Excellency.
The result is related in the following letter, and addressed
by Dr. Salter, master of the Charter-house, to the eminent
antiquarian, Mr. Nichols:
"Lord Somers recommended Swift at his own very ear-
nest request to Lord Wharton, when that Earl went lieu-
tenant to Ireland in 1708, but without success; and the
answer Wharton is said to have given was never forgotten
nor forgiven by Swift, but seems to have laid the founda-
tion of that peculiar rancor with which he always mentions
Lord Wharton. I saw and read two letters of Jonathan
Swift, then premendary of St. Patrick's Dublin, to Lord
Somers: the first, earnestly entreating his favor, pleading
his poverty, and professing the most unalterable attachment
to his lordship's person and cause. The second, acknowl-
edging Lord Somer's kindness in having recommended him;
and concluding with the like professions not more than a
year before Swift deserted Lord Somers, and all his friends,
writing avowedly on the contrary side; and (as he boasts
himself) libelling all the junto round. I saw also the very
letters which Lord Somers wrote to Lord Wharton, in which
Swift is very heartily and warmly recommended ; and I well
remember the short and very smart answer which Lord
Wharton is said to have given, which, as I have observed.
Swift never forgave nor forgot. It was to this purpose, 'Oh!
my lord, we must not prefer or countenance these fellows ;
we have not character enough ourselves.'"
Soon after this disappointment the busy and important
part of Swift's life began. In 1710 he was employed by the
Primate of Ireland to soHcit the Queen for a remission of the
first-fruits to the Irish clergy. For this purpose, he had
recourse to Harley, then fast rising into favor, and was
introduced to him as a person injuriously neglected by the
late Whig cabinet, for refusing to co-operate in some of
their schemes. Harley's designs and situation were such as
to make him glad of an auxiliary so well qualified for his
service; he therefore admitted him to familiarity, if not to
friendship, and engaged him to employ his pen in defense of
the new administration. Addison and Steele were the prin-
cipal writers on the side of the Whigs, and Swift had long
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 27
been the intimate friend of both; but no sooner had he
taken a share in poHtical controversy than he assailed both,
but more especially Steele, with a violence quite unbecom-
nig the character of a clergyman or a gentleman. For two
years he supported Harley with equal zeal and efficiency;
his pamphlet on the Conduct of the Allies, published in 1712,
ten days before the meeting of Parliament, was one of the
most successful party productions that ever appeared ; eleven
thousand copies of it were sold in less than three months;
and it rendered the war, which had been hitherto one of the
most popular in which England had ever engaged, so uni-
versally odious, that the people clamored for peace, almost
on any terms. Such services merited a high reward, and
Swift was not a man to work without payment. He de-
manded an English bishopric, which Harley was not unwill-
ing to grant, provided it could be bestowed without offend-
ing his clerical supporters. But the clergy could not endure
the promotion to the Episcopal bench of the author of the
"Tale of a Tub." Archbishop Sharpe, in the name of his
brethren, demanded an audience of the Queen, and be-
sought her Majesty not to bestow episcopal dignity on a
person whose belief in Christianity was suspicious, at the
same time directing her attention to the most offensive
passages in the "Tale of the Tub;" he was seconded by the
Duchess of Somerset, whom Swift had bitterly lampooned
in some verses, called the "Windsor Prophecy," which she
showed the Queen. Anne, who, on religious matters at
least, was a right-minded woman, declared that Swift should
never be a prelate, and no subsequent remonstrances would
induce her to alter this determination. The ministers gave
him the best preferment they dared to bestow, the deanery
of St. Patrick's, Dublin, and early in 17 13 he went over to
take possession. His appointment, however, was not less
unpopular in the Irish than it would have been in the
English church; and on the day appointed for his installa-
tion the following verses (written by Dr. Smedley, dean of
Ferns'! were found posted on the gates of the cathedral :
To-day this temple gets a Dean,
Of parts and fame uncommon;
Used both to pray and to nrofane,
To serve both Cod and mammon.
28 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
When Wharton reign'd a Whig he was;
When Pembroke, that's dispute, sir;
In Oxford's time what Oxford pleased,
Non-con, or Jack or Neuter
This place he got by wit and rhyme,
And many ways most odd;
And might a bishop be in time.
Did he believe in God.
For high-churchmen and policy
He swears he prays most hearty;
But would pray back again, would be
A Dean of any party.
Four lessons, Dean! all in one day.
Faith! it is hard, that's certain;
' Twere better hear thy own Peter say
God damn you Jack, and Martin.
Hard to be plagued with Bible still,
And Prayer-book before thee,
Hadst thou not wit to think at will
Of some diverting story.
Look down, St. Patrick! look we pray
On thine own church and steeple!
Convert thy Dean on this great day,
Or else, God help the people!
And now when'er his Deanship dies
Upon his tomb be graven,—
A man of God here buried lies.
Who never thought of heaven. v
Having placed Stella in lodgings near the deanery, Swift
returned to England, where the disputes between Harley,
recently created Earl of Oxford, and his colleague, Lord
Bolingbroke, threatened the ruin of the Tory party. Harley
had only become a Tory for convenience; when he obtained
power he had formed no definite plan of policy. Obliged to
court the party by which he was supported, he was unwilling
to make his quarrel with the Whigs utterly irrecoverable ; he
therefore corresponded with both expectants of the crown,
and paid secret court both to the Pretender and Elector of
Hanover. The Dean was dissatisfied with these half-meas-
ures; he endeavored vainly to stimulate the tardiness of
Harley; he published a letter to the October Club, which
was composed of the most violent Tories, and when he
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 29
found that Harley was not to be stimulated to a more daring
course, he connected himself with Bolingbroke, who was
both more courageous and unscrupulous than his colleague.
The Whig leaders seem to have been aware of the danger-
ous tendency of Swift's counsels. Complaints were made of
his influence with the ministry by Finch, Earl of Notting-
ham, m the lords, and by Walpole and Aislabie in the com-
mons; they charged him directly with plotting to bring in
the Pretender. It is remarkable that Swift in a poem upon
himself, written at the close of the year 171 3, records these
imputations without attempting to deny them.
"Now Finch alarms the lords; he hears for certain
This dangerous priest has got behind the curtain.
Finch, famed for tedious elocution, proves
That Swift oils many a spring which Harley moves.
Walpole and Aislabie, to clear the doubt,
Inform the commons that the secret's out;
' A certain doctor is observed of late
To haunt a certain minister of state;
From whence with half an eye we may discover.
The peace is made, and Perkin must come over.' "
In 1714 Swift published the "Public Spirit of the Whigs"
in reply to the ''Crisis," a pamphlet for which Steele was
expelled from the House of Commons. The Dean assailed
his former friend with great bitterness, treating him some-
limes with contempt and sometimes with abhorrence. He
also assailed the entire Scottish nation with such vehemence
that the Scotch lords went in a body to the Queen to demand
reparation, and a proclamation was issued, offering a reward
of three hundred pounds for the discovery of the author.
The result, however, was in a short time either forgiven or
forgotten, and Swift boasted that he was visited by the
Scotch lords more than ever.
Admitted on terms of equality to the intimacy of the noble
and the powerful, courted by all aspirants to the of^ce, enjoy-
ing the society of the classic wits, who gained for Anne's
reign the name of the Augustan age of English literature.
Swift's malignant star was still lord of the ascendant. Dur-
ing one of his long ministerial attendances in London he
became acquainted with Miss Vanhomrigh, to whom he
gave the affected name of Vanessa, a lady possessing wit,
beauty, a competent share of wealth, and universal admira-
30 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
tion. Fascinated by the genius of Swift, she encouraged his
indiscreet advances until both became so far involved that
they could neither go forward nor recede without a heavy
sacrifice. During his absence from Dublin he regularly sent
a journal of his proceedings to Stella and Mrs. Dingley; a
change in the style of these communications is very obvi-
ous after he had become intimate with Vanessa; the tone
is more cold, the language more querulous, and there are
occasional bursts, which clearly show a heart ill at ease.
For a time, however, the increasing excitement of politics
diverted his attention from private affairs; the increasing
jealousy and hatred between Oxford and Bolingbroke
threatened the utter ruin of the Tory party, and Swift vainly
used every effort to bring about a reconciliation. He twice
tried the effect of a personal interview, from which both
departed with nmtual dissatisfaction. Swift declared to
them that all was lost; Oxford denied his accuracy, but
BoHngbroke whispered that he was right.
The Queen's closet became now the center of agitating
intrigues, which Anne had not strength either of mind or
body to endure. She had a natural leaning to her brother,
the Pretender, and had that prince gratified her by conform-
ing to the Protestant religion, the Stuarts would, in all prob-
ability have retained the throne of England; she disliked
the Hanoverian family because the Elector had endeavored
to thwart her projects of peace, and because the Princess
Sophia, through whom the succession was continued to the
House of Brunswick, had indulged in injurious reflections
on her sincerity. Harley dreaded the Stuarts, and probably
believed that he had succeeded in making an interest with
the Protestant successor, but he gave still deeper offense to
the Queen by quarreling with the favorite, Lady Masham.
Bolingbroke adopted all the prejudices of his royal mistress
and paid the most assiduous attention to her favorite. Bit-
ter altercations took place in the royal presence; Anne's
health visibly declined; their dissentions and her disease
increased together. At length, on the 27th of July, 1714,
Oxford was suddenly dismissed from office and Bolingbroke
seemed to have the great objects of his ambition within his
grasp; but on the 29th of the same month the Queen was
seized with a lethargic disorder, attended by the most alarm-
ing symptoms. Swift is said to have advised Bolingbroke
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 31
and his colleagues to take immediate steps for securing the
succession of the Pretender, but they hesitated on adopt-
ing a course that would peril their lives and fortunes. At
the council on the following day timidity and indecision
prevailed ; suddenly the two most powerful Whig lords, the
Dukes of Argyle and Somerset, entered, though they had
not been summoned, and were invited to take their seats
at the board by the Duke of Shrewsbury. Their proposals
for securing the Hanoverian succession were adopted with-
out opposition, and Bolingbroke saw that his visions of
power were dissipated almost as soon as they had been
formed. On the ist of August the Queen died, and George
I. was solemnly proclaimed in London and Westminster.
On the accession of George I. the Whigs returned to
power, and immediately began to assail the former ministers
with prosecutions and impeachments. Bolingbroke and
Ormond fled to the continent; the Earl of Oxford was sent
to the Tower; Swift returned to Dublin, which he regarded
a place of exile, and where he was exposed to some danger
by the seizure of treasonable papers which were found di-
rected to him.
The Church of Ireland then, as now, was divided between
two parties, which may, perhaps, without offense, be distin-
guished as the Puritanical and the Orthodox, whose only
bond of union was their com.mon hatred of Popery. From
the very beginning the leaders of the Reformed Church in
Ireland had shown a strong leaning towards the principles
adopted by the English non-conformists, and this tendency
was much increased among the native clergy by the Crom-
wellian settlement, which introduced a large body of Inde-
pendents into Ireland, and diffused an impatience of Epis-
copal control through the great majority of the Protestant
body. As in Anne's reign the Whigs and Tories had held
power alternately, so the ecclesiastical dignities in Ireland
v/ere divided between the high and low church, the former
possessing most influence with the clerical body, the latter
with the congregations. A whimsical incident exasperated
the mutual jealousy of the Protestant parties, "the pious,
glorious and immortal memory of King William" was fre-
quently given, as a toast in mixed companies, and, of course,
was offensive to those Tories who entertained Jacobite
principles. Browne, Bishop of Cork, published a sermon
S2 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
against toasts generally and this toast in particular, which
gave great offense to the majority of the Protestant com-
munity; they added the bishop's name to their favorite toast,
with no very complimentary addition, and applied it as a
test of Jacobitism whenever the clergyman was present.
Swift came over from England a strenuous advocate for
the extreme principles of high church, which had been so
long the watch-word of his party, and a resolute supporter
of the clerical privileges which the Whigs were accused of
menacing. His assertion of his own rights as Dean soon
involved him in harassing and vexatious disputes with Arch-
bishop King and the Chapter; but in the end Swift tri-
umphed, and he subsequently acquired such an ascendancy
over the Chapter that no resistance was made to any of his
propositions.
Believing that Ireland was destined to be his residence
during the remainder of his days. Swiff arranged a mode of
living equally consistent with his notions of parsimony and
dignity. For the most part he dined, at a stipulated price,
with Mr. Worral, a clergyman of his cathedral, whose house
was recommended by the peculiar neatness and pleasantry
of his wife. On two days in the week he opened his house
to the public, and dined off plate with great pomp; his enter-
tainments were soon frequented by the most eminent men
and most elegant ladies in Dublin. Stella regulated the table
on public days, but appeared at it as a mere guest, like the
other ladies.
Miss Vanhomrigh's arrival in Ireland and assertion of her
claims soon disturbed the happiness of the circle. Stella's
anxiety affected her spirits and materially injured her health;
in a few weeks she was brought to the verge of the grave.
Swift, shocked at the effects which his conduct seemed likely
to produce, applied to his old friend and tutor, St. George
Ashe, Bishop of Clogher, requesting him to enquire from
Stella Vv^hat would restore her peace of mind. Her answer,
as reported by the Bishop, was to this effect, "That for many
years she had patiently borne the tongue of slander, but that
hitherto she had been cheered by the hope of one day becom-
ing his wife ; that of such an event she now saw no prob-
ability, and that consequently her memory would be trans-
mitted to posterity branded with the most unmerited
obloquy."
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 33
She dwelt also on another circumstance, which serves to
throw a darker shade over the traits of selfishness in Swift's
character. This was an eligible offer of marriage that had
been made her by a gentleman named Tisdal, which Swift
had first endeavored to defeat indirectly by prescribing
harsh conditions, and when these were accepted by the
ardent lover, had rejected altogether.
The Bishop communicated this conversation to the Dean,
who said in reply, "That in early life he had laid down two
maxims with respect to matrimony; the first was, never to
marry unless possessed of a competency; the second, unless
this was the case at such a period of life as afforded him a
probable prospect of living to educate his family; but yet
since her happiness depended on his marrying her, he would
directly comply with her vv ishes on the following terms : that
it should remain a secret from all the world, unless the dis-
covery were called for by some urgent necessity, and that
they should continue to reside in separate houses."
To these hard conditions Stella yielded a reluctant assent,
and they were privately married in the deanery by the
Bishop in the early part of the year 171 6. Immediately after
the ceremony Swift exhibited the most violent paroxysms
of mental agitation ; he hurried from the deanery to the pal-
-ace, and had a private interview with Archbishop King,
which lasted more than an hour. Towards its close Dr.
Delany accidentally entered the library; Swift instantly hur-
ried out so distractedly as not to recognize his friend, and
when Delany came up to the Archbishop, he found him dis-
solved in tears. On enquiring the reason, the Archbishop
replied, ''You have just met the most unfortunate man in
the world, but you must never venture to ask me the cause
of his misfortunes." The nature of the secret intrusted to
the Archbishop never transpired; it was at one time sup-
posed that it might be discovered among some of his papers,
but they have been searched for the purpose in vain, and
there is a tradition in the family that the Archbishop was
heard to declare that the secret would perish v/ith him.
Delany at one time believed that both Swift and Stella were
natural children of Sir William Temple, and that the rela-
tionship was not discovered until after the miarriage. But
this theory has been long since abandoned, and there are
positive proofs that no such relationship existed. What-
3
34 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
ever may have been the nature of the impediment, it Is
certain that Swift and Stella never met afterwards except
in the presence of a third person.
It is lamentable to add, that even after the marriage, Swift
continued to keep up a tender intimacy with Miss Vanhom-
righ. She resided at a beautiful and romantic seat near Cel-
bridge, where, according to the tradition of the neighbor-
hood, she led a gloomy and secluded life, and was never seen
to smile except at the periods of Swift's visits. Many anec-
dotes of her kindness and benevolence are still related by the
peasantry, and the Dean's memory is anything but popular
in the vicinity of Celbridge. It was probably about this
period that he projected "Gulliver's Travels/' wdiich he de-
signed to form part of a satire on the abuses of human learn-
ing, to be compiled conjointly by himself, Arbuthnot, and
Pope. So far as the first sketch can be traced in the hints
contained in the letters to and from Vanessa, it appears that
the project was originally confined to caricaturing the exag-
gerations of travelers. The popularity of "Robinson CrusoQ"
appears to have suggested the change in the character of
Gulliver, from a starched philosopher, as originally designed,
to a blunt sailor. Dunlop, in his erudite History of Fiction,
has dwelt very forcibly on the points of resemblance between
Gulliver and Crusoe, and has established a strong proba-
bility that the similarity is not accidental.
In the year 1720 Swift quitted his occupations and amuse-
ments to appear once more upon the stage as a politician.
Ireland v/as at this period the most unhappy country in Eu-
rope; its ancient nobles and landed proprietors had been
driven into exile during the civil wars, their places were
supplied by the descendants of Cromwell's soldiers and ad-
venturers, whose sole security for their new estates con-
sisted in the support of the English Parliament and the pro-
tection of the English army. To purchase this aid they
were forced to sacrifice the national prosperity of their
adopted country to the commercial jealousy of England;
but they paid the price with reluctance, and would have
resisted had they dared. But the governing party in Ire-
land, the Protestant ascendancy, was comparatively small,
dependent on their connection with England for their sup-
port against the great majority, who regarded them as
aliens, and hated them for their religion, and for the lands
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 35
confiscated from the old natives. William III. appears to
have been in some degree coerced by the English Parlia-
ment into the measures which he adopted for destroying the
woolen manufacture in Ireland, where it had acquired con-
siderable prosperity; and he applied to the Irish parliament
to pass laws themselves for the encouragement of the
hempen and linen manufacturers in their country, and the
discouragement of the woolen. In compliance with this
requisition, an act was passed in January, 1698, for the im-
position of such additional duties on all woolens except
friezes as amounted almost to a prohibition. But this did
not satisfy the spirit of monopoly which then possessed the
British Parliament. A joint address from both Houses was
presented against Irish woolens, to which the King made the
following memorable reply :
My Lords and Gentlemen:
I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woolen
manufacture of Ireland, and to encourage the linen manu-
facture there; and to promote the trade of England.
July 2d, 1698.
The promise to encourage linen was not kept, but the dis-
couragement of woolens was observed to the letter. In
the year 1699 the British ParHament prohibited the exporta-
tion from Ireland of all cloth made of wool or containing
any mixture of it, to any country except South Britain, and
even in that case under such duties and restrictions as vir-
tually amounted to a total exclusion. These prohibitory
laws were accompanied with enforcements as inconsistent
with the legislative distinctness of Ireland as with the prin-
ciples of the English constitution. The accused were liable
to the penalties of confiscation, imprisonment, and trans-
portation, without the benefit of a fair trial ; for though they
should have been acquitted under all the forms of laws in
Ireland, they might still be carried to England to be tried
by a foreign jury, far from their friends and the witnesses
in their favor, perhaps without money or resources.
Such a system of government necessarily produced gen-
eral distrss, and Swift boldly made an effort for its allevia-
tion, by publishing a pamphlet recommending the Irish to
abstain from the use of English manufactures, and to use
36 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
no articles of dress that were not the produce of native in-
dustry. The ruHng powers were alarmed; the pamphlet
was declared seditious; its printer, Waters, was arrested
and brought to trial. Whitshed, the Chief Justice, one of
the most thorough partisans that ever sat on the Irish bench,
charged the jury, and laying his hand on his heart, solemnly
protested that the author's design was to bring in the Pre-
tender; and when a verdict for acquittal was tendered, he
remanded the jury nine times, until at length he wearied
them into a special verdict, by which the matter was left
to the discretion of the judges. His colleagues were afraid
to act upon the verdict; the invidious business was ad-
journed from term to term, until at length, in the vice-
royalty of the Duke of Grafton, it was terminated by a nolle
prosequi.
The violence of the government tended only to invest
Swift with extraordinary popularity: he became a universal
favorite with all classes of Irishmen, save the mere creatures
of the castle; and while his circle of private friends was
enlarged, he tasted largely of the pleasures derived from
public admiration. But he made little use of the power thus
obtained; his time was frittered away in trifling and jocular
communications to Sheridan, Delany, and his other ad-
mirers, few of which rise above the level of mediocrity. Fate
had also a severe blow in store for him. In 1723, Miss Van-
homrigh urged an immediate union so pertinaciously that he
was forced to confess that he had been already married to
Stella. Disappointment and vexation brought the unfortun-
ate Vanessa to a premature grave: before her death, she
destroyed a will which she had made in the Dean's favor, and
made a second, in which she enjoined her executors to pub-
lish the poem of Cadenus and Vanessa, in which the Dean
had avowed his love, and also several of his warmest letters.
Bishop Berkeley, one of Swift's most intim.ate friends, was
appointed the executioner of her vengeance; he published
the poem with great reluctance, but he withheld the letters,
for reasons sufficiently obvious to all who have read the por-
tion of this correspondence which has since appeared.
The effect produced by the appearance of the poem, both
on Swift and Stella, was very great. The Dean went on a
tour through the south of Ireland for two months, both to
banish unpleasant reflections and to give time for calumny
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 37
to subside. Stella went to the house of a friend in the coun-
try, where in a few weeks, she recovered her usual equanim-
ity.
During one of his occasional trips to England, Swift is
said to have waited on Sir Robert Walpole, and to have
made overtures to that minister. In the course of conversa-
tion Swift pointed to some ivy, and said, "I am like that
ivy; I want support." "Why, then, did you attach yourself
to a falling wall?" was the minister's witty rejoinder. The
Dean saw that there was no hope, and took his leave; but
thenceforward he cherished the most bitter animosity against
Walpole. In the notes on the character of Flimnap, in the
Voyage to Lilliput, some of Swift's attacks on the premier
are pointed out; it deserves to be added, that they amused
Walpole just as much as they did other people.
In the year 1724 great complaints were made of a scarcity
of copper coinage in Ireland; to remedy the inconvenience
a patent was granted to Wood, a manufacturer of Wolver-
hampton, authorizing him to coin one hundred and eighty
thousand pounds' worth of half-pence and farthings for the
kingdom of Ireland. The coins sent over by Wood were of
a debased metal, and Swift v/rote a series of letters under
the signature of a Drapier, showing the folly of receiving,
and the mischief that must ensue from giving gold and silver
for coin not worth a third part of its nominal value. The
nation became alarmed; addresses against the patent were
voted by the Irish Padiament and most of the civic corpora-
tions. The grand jury of the county of Dublin presented,
as enemies to their country, all who should attempt to put
the coin into circulation; and it was almost universally stig-
matized by magistrates and gentlemen assembled at the
quarter sessions throughout the country. The British Privy
Council published a report in favor of the coin, and severely
condemned the address of the Irish Parliament. But the
popular clamor was too great and too general to be resisted,
and on the recommendation of Archbishop Boulter the
patent was revoked in the following year. Whatever may
have been Swift's motives, and of their purity reasonable
doubts may be entertained, it is unquestionable that on this
occasion he affected great good, not by upsetting Wood's
patent, which in fact was not injurious to the country, but
38 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
by showing the Irish what could be affected by turning from
party poHtics to a national object.
This publication gave serious annoyance to the govern-
ment ; a proclamation was issued, offering a reward of three
hundred pounds for the discovery of the author; Harding,
the printer, was arrested, but the indictment preferred
against him was ignored by the grand jury. Swift subse-
quently waited on the Lord-lieutenant Carteret, a nobleman
of great politeness and liberality, and remonstrated against
the severe measures which the government had adopted.
Carteret replied by an appropriate quotation from Virgil:
Res durae et regni novitas me talia cogunt Moliri.
Whenever Swift's life appeared most fraught with enjoy-
m.ent, some fatal shock seemed preparing for his domestic
misery. In the very midst of the Drapier's popularity, Stel-
la's health began to visibly decline. The Dean was in
England when she was first attacked, preparing to pay a
visit to Lord Bolingbroke, then an exile in France; the
calamity brought him back to Ireland, where his presence
for a time restored Stella to imperfect health. He then
came back to England, and in conjunction with Pope, -pub-
lished three volumes of Miscellanies.
In the year 1727, Gulliver's Travels appeared, and were
hailed with a mixture of merriment and amazement, which
at once stamped their popularity. Some contemporary crit-
ics accused him of having imitated Defoe; and the charge
has been often repeated. No doubt, there are many striking-
points of resemblance between the two great fictions of
these authors, especially the air of truth which the recital
of minute and apparently striking circumstances gives to
their narrative; but while Defoe strictly confines himself
to romantic adventure. Swift takes the higher aim of philo-
sophic satire, and seems ^o consider the incidents of his
story as secondary considerations.
Several foreign cities have expressed surprise at the ab-
sence of all allusion to Defoe and his works in Swift's pro-
ductions. There is not, however, any part of Gulliver's
Travels in which such a reference appears necessary, or even
expedient; and if there were, it must still be remembered
that Swift and Defoe were at opposite poles in politics, and
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 39
that nothing in England is so rare or so perilous as justice to
a party opponent. Even in the present day, were a Tory to
express admiration of Moore's witty Lyrics, the cry of de-
serter would be raised by his friends: or if a Whig paid due
homage to Southey, the world would look for his speedy en-
rolment in the Carlton Club. In Swift's days the parties ac-
tually contended for life and death; Oxford and Orford risked
the penalties of treason in their respective administrations;
their followers looked upon their rivals, not as opponents
to be vanquished, but as enemies to be exterminated. Tliis
has long been the source of great intellectual evil in Eng-
land, but perhaps political injustice is a portion of the tax
that must be paid for political liberty.
III.
Gulliver's Travels were not published until after Swift's
return to Ireland. They appeared with an affected mys-
tery, of which the Dean was very fond, and which even his
most intimate friends were compelled to respect. Pope,
Arbuthnot, and Gay so far humored his caprice as to write
dubiously respecting the author, though the two former
must have known that such a work was projected long be-
fore. There was, however, a reason for his concealment, of
which, in the present day, we can form no very adequate no-
tion. Walpole was so enraged by the Drapier's Letters, that
he threatened to arrest Swift; the Irish people formed volun-
tary associations for the Dean's defense, and the minister
was dissuaded from his design by a judicious friend, who in-
quired whether he had ten thousand men ready to escort
the messenger charged with the execution of the warrant?
A new and more bitter attack on the administration seemed
likely to awake the slumbering vengeance of the Premier,
and the recent impeachment of Bishop Atterbury had shown
that he would not be scrupulous in the use of intercepted
correspondence.
Few works have had greater success on their first ap-
pearance than Gulliver's Travels; and there are fewer to
v/hose merits posterity has rendered more substantial jus-
tice. This is not the place for entering upon the examina-
tion of its substantial deserts; but it is of some importance
to examine how it was viewed by contemporaries.
40 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
The Voyage to the LilHput is an exposure of the policy
of the English court during the reign of George I. Swift
and his friends were persuaded that the treaty of Utrecht
had been the salvation of Great Britain, that it had espe-
cially secured our naval supremacy, and effectually pre-
vented France from rivaling us at sea. He therefore re-
garded the impeachment of Oxford, and the banishment of
Bolingbroke, as gross acts of national injustice, attributable
chiefly to the ambition and jealousy of Walpole, whom he
stigmatizes under the name of Flimnap. The more minute
political allusions are pointed out in the notes; it will be
more convenient here to confine attention to generalities.
Walpole had many enemies, even in the nominal Whig
party, who professed themselves adherents to the Prince
of Wales; these persons, aware that they could not of
themselves form an administration, projected a coalition
with the Tories, or as they called them, the party of the
country gentlemen. In the language of the day, they hoped
to form a ''broad-bottom ministry;" they affected to de-
scribe the difference between the parties in principle as
very trifling, not greater than that between the high-heels
and low-heels of Lilliput; and as appeals had been made
to religious prejudices, they represented the controversy
between the Latin and English churches as not more im-
portant than that between the Big-endians and the Little-
endians. Projects for something like a union between the
churches were not unfrequently made at the time, and the
chances of success for a season, seemed far from desperate.
The Prince of Wales, afterwards George IL, vv^as believed
not to be indisposed to a union of parties, as is intimated
by the heir-apparent of Lilliput wearing one shoe with a
high and the other with a low heel. All these expecta-
tions were disappointed; but when the Travels appeared,
they were rife in every political circle, and the nation gen-
erally looked for great advantages from their realization.
The political views advocated in Lilliput were therefore
generally popular; they gratified the entire body of the
Tories, the discontented section of the Whigs, and the
great multitude which in every free state looks for Utopian
advantages from the mere fact of change.
In Brobdingnag, the satire takes a wider range; the ob-
ject of assault is changed from the tactics of a party to the
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 41
general system of policy: like Bolingbroke, Swift attempts
to sketch the ideal character of a patriot king, and an effi-
cient system of government. The fiction is very happily
suited to this design: the opinions which beings of a reflec-
tive and philosophic character, endowed with immense force,
were likely to form of the intrigues and scandals of a Euro-
pean court, are developed with exquisite skill. It is man view-
ing the political squabbles of an ant-hill, or Gulliver himself
estimating the court of Lilliput. The political principles ad-
vocated in the Voyage to Brobdingnag were the same as
those which the Tory party supported in Parliament. From
the imperfection of the parliamentary reports in these days,
and from the influence of the cry of Jacobitism, with which
the Whig leaders assailed their opponents, we have only
very imperfect specimens of the eloquence of Shippen, Wind-
ham, St. Aubin, etc.; but even the fragments which have
been preserved prove that the Tory party in the reign of
George I. was highly respectable in character, talent, and
fearless advocacy of principle.
The contrast between Gulliver's position in Brobdingnag
and Lilliput is very happily conceived, and it lends singular
force to the more general application of the satire. The
only special attack in the Voyage to Brobdingnag is directed
against the maids of honor, for whom, as Dr. Delany in-
forms us. Swift had no great veneration. It was to the in-
fluence of the ladies of the court that he attributed Arch-
bishop Sharpe's success in preventing him from getting a
bishopric; and he suspected that, notwithstanding all his
flatteries, Mrs. Masham was far from anxious to effect a
change in his favor in the mind of Queen Anne.
The Voyage to Laputa was the least relished, because it
was the least understood at the time of its publication. The
pursuits of the inhabitants of the Flying Island were de-
signed to ridicule the proceedings of the Royal Society, a
body which had previously came under the lash of the auth-
or of Hudibras. Sir Isaac Newton had provoked the Dean's
resentment, by giving his opinions as master of the mint in
favor of Wood's copper coinage; and it was probably the
absence of mind for which that philosopher was notorious
which suggested the whimsical notion of the Flapper as an
attendant upon the Laputians. Swift had no taste for music ;
in his own words, he could find no difference " 'twixt tweedk-
42 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
dum and tweedledee ;" he therefore deemed the passion for
music, and especially the general admiration of Handel
which prevailed in his day, as a legitimate object of satire.
His attack on the musician is, however, a greater failure
than that on the philosophers, for he was too ignorant of
the science to discover the points most open to assault. In.
the College of Projections, he was more successful; during
the rage of speculation, which rose at the time of the South
Sea Scheme, proposals to the full as absurd as any Swift has
described were rife, and joint-stock companies formed for
their execution. Some of these will be found mentioned in
the notes, and those who rememiber the years 1825 and 1826
will be at no loss to supply parallels. It was generally felt
that the scenes with the ghost at Glubbdubdrib were de-
cided failures, and posterity has not reversed this judgment.
The melancholy description of the Struldbruggs appears to
have been written with too correct an anticipation of the
calamitous end of Swift's own Hfe; it is written with the
same feeling that dictated his exclamation to Dr. Young
when they passed a withered oak, "I am like that tree, I shall
die at top."
The most popular of the voyages with the generality of
readers was that of the Houyhnhnms; its misanthropy is re-
pulsive, and almost disgusting; miserable indeed must be
the condition of a man who can derive pleasure from a
satire against hum.anity. But as Sir Walter Scott has well
observed, the state of society at that time in Ireland was well
calculated to inspire the worst opinions of human nature;
Swift had before him a faction of petty tyrants and a nation
of trampled slaves; the penal laws, not less remarkable for
their absurdity than their iniquity, seemed as if the party of
the ascendency regarded persecution as a toy or plaything,
and made human suffering an unhuman sport. But there
were other causes that tended to strengthen and develop
this morbid tendency to misanthropy; Vanessa had sunk
into an early grave, Stella was fast following her; two tender
and affectionate hearts were his victims; all his ambitious
projects were blighted, and a disease, the most afflicting to
which humanity is exposed, had given premonitory warnings
of its near approach. It was such circumstances that gen-
erated the gloomy feelings under which the character of the
Yahoos w^as drawn. But disgusting as the picture is, it still
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 43
conveys an important moral lesson; it is a probable delinea-
tion of what humanity might become if exposed to the brutal-
izing influences of ignorance and unregulated passions; it
pictures the triumph of sensuality over intelligence, and
consequently sets forth in the strongest light the necessity
of moral training and religious instruction. There was m
Swift's day a large class of disappointed politicians who,
like him, sought consolation in misanthropy. His old ene-
my the Duchess of Marlborough, who had long outlived
her power, but never lost the love of it, expressed her
^varm delight with the account of the Yahoos, and pro-
claimed Swift the only accurate delineator of human nature.
The general narrative was not less agreeable to the mass
of readers than the satire to particular classes of politicians.
Gulliver's character is so thoroughly natural, so completely
that of the English sailor of his day, that many were dis-
posed to hail him as a personal acquaintance. A naval
man at the time used to assert that he knew Captain Gulli-
ver very well, but that he lived at Wapping, and not at
Rotherhithe. , . t^ •. • -^
The fame of Gulliver was not confined to Britain; it
spread rapidly through Europe. Voltaire, who was then m
England warmly recommended it to his friends m 1:^ ranee,
and advised them to have it translated. The task was under-
taken by L'Abbe Desfontaines, who was, however, afraid
to eive a literal version of Swift's bold opinions. He re-
modeled the work in order to adapt it to French taste and
it is no unamusing task to compare his translation with the
original, as an example of the differences m the style and
habits of thought between the Augustan age of England
and that of France. The Abbe published also a new Gulli-
ver which is uterly unreadable; the same may be said ot
the' continuation of Gulliver's Travels which appeared m
England; it was at once an impudent forgery and a mis-
erable plagarism from a French book not worth robbing;
it dropped, however, ^'stillborn" from the press.
IV.
Fortune appeared once more to shine on Swift, when Gul-
liver's Travels were published. Congratulatory and compli-
mentary letters were sent to him from the Court of the
44 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
Prince of Wales; the Princess and the Prince's mistress,
who lived in anomalous concord, both joined in these hon-
ors, and the Dean had hopes that a new reign would open
the door of promotion. He sent the Princess a dress of
Irish manufacture — a poplin, which for the last century
has been the chief glory of the Irish loom. Caroline, in
turn, promised him a collection of medals, which she never
sent. Mrs. Howard, the Prince's mistress, sent the Dean
a ring, in return for which he transmitted her a little golden
crown, which was designed to represent the diadem of the
Queen of Lilliput. In the midst of these encouraging cir-
cumstances, Stella died, and Swift's domestic happiness, such
as it was, ended torever. About the same time, George
I. died, and George II., to the surprise of everybody, con-
tinued Walpole at the head of the administration. Swift
made some efforts to preserve his favor with Queen Caro-
line, but the Queen had forgotten the promises of the
Princess. He clung still longer to the hopes he entertained
of promotion through the influence of Mrs. Howard; but
George II. was governed by his wife, not by his mistresses,
and atoned for his conjugal infidelity by permitting the
Queen to regulate all the affairs of state. The Dean at
length discovered that all his exertions were vain; he re-
turned to Ireland just before the death of Stella, and never
again visited England.
From time to time. Swift wrote occasional pamphlets on
Irish policy, which served to maintain his influence with
the public; but in private, the circle of his acquaintance be-
came daily more contracted, and few were admitted to his
table who did not submit to his caprices and administer
large doses of flattery to his pride. His favorite maxim be-
came, ''Vive la bagatelle," and it is probable that he found
trifles necessary to life. His petty amusements gave em-
ployment to a mind which could not be idle, but which
sickness and sorrow incapacitated for steady exertion. As
years advanced, his fits of giddiness and deafness became
more frequent, and the acerbity of his temper increased in
the same proportion. He still preserved the talent for
minute observation, of which he had made such good use
in Gulliver, and gave a remarkable instance of it in his
'•'Polite Conversation," and his "Directions to Servants,"
the latter of which, however, was not published until after
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 45
his death. In 1736, while writing the "Legion Club," a
bitter lampoon on the Irish House of Commons, he was
seized with a fit of giddiness so severe and so long-con-
tinued that he never after ventured to attempt any work
of thought or labor. In 1741 his mental condition was
such that it became necessary to appoint legal guardians of
his person and property. A short interval of reason en-
sued in the following year, but the hopes to which it gave
rise were soon dispelled; in a few days he sunk into a state
of lethargic stupidity, motionless, heedless, and speechless.
Richard Brennan, the servant who attended him in his last
illness, and in whose arms he expired, used to relate that
whilst the power of speech remained, he continued constant
in the performance of his private devotions, and in propor-
tion as his memory failed, they were gradually shortened,
until at last he could only repeat the Lord's Prayer; which,
however, he continued to do until the power of utterance
forever ceased. His death was tranquil. ''He went ofif,"
said Brennan, "like the snufif of a candle." He bequeathed
his property to found a hospital for idiots and lunatics; in
his own words, —
He grave the little wealth he had
To build a house for fools and mad '
To show by one satiric touch,
No nation wanted it so much.
Mr. G. M. Berkeley declared that there were only four
authentic portraits of Swift, of which that preserved as a
kind of heirloom in the deanery of St. Patrick's is the most
faithful. A copy of it adorns the Dining Hall in Trinity
College, Dublin, and represents a countenance strongly
marked with grief, indignation, and benevolence. He was
tall, robust, and well made, his complexion was rather dark,
his eyes were blue and very expressive, his eyebrows dark
and heavy, his nose inclined to be aquiline, his Hps slightly
curled upwards. In his youth he was considered handsome,
and in the decline of life his figure is universally described
as noble and imposing. He was a very fluent speaker, ready
at retort and reply, never thrown ofif his center by the un-
expected attack of an assailant. This talent would have
rendered him a formidable auxiliary if the Tories had given
46 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
him a seat on the episcopal bench, in the EngHsh House of
Peers, at a time when, with the exception of Atterbury,
there was not an EngHsh prelate calculated to shine in de-
bates. The successive lords-lieutenant of Ireland dreaded
his tongue as much as his pen; and all of them, from the
amiable Carteret to the haughty Dorset, sought to disarm
his hostility by paying homage to his genius.
All his biographers dwell on the charms of Swift's con-
versation; the originality of his humor, which was some-
times carried too far, at first appeared startling, but when
managed with the skill which Swift could exert when he
pleased, it rendered him a companion whose society was
everywhere sought. He delighted in relating anecdotes,
which his exquisite touches of satire rendered irresistibly
amusing, while his keenness of observation made them not
less instructive. He took great delight in puns, and was
the author of some of the best that exist; for instance, his
application of a line from Virgil to the lady who swept
down a Cremona fiddle with her mantle:
Mantua, vae! nimium miserae vicini Cremonae,
His singularity of expression was manifested on some ex-
traordinary occasions; when he introduced Bishop Berke-
ley to Lord Berkeley of Stratton, he made use of these
words, ''My lord, here is a relation of your lordship's who
is good for something, and that, as times go, is saying
a great deal."
One day, while traveling in the south of Ireland, he
stopped to give his horse water at a brook which crossed
the road; a gentleman of the neighborhood halted for the
same purpose, and saluted him, a courtesy which the Dean
returned. They parted, but the gentleman, struck by the
Dean's figure, sent his servant to inquire who the Dean was ;
the messenger first made application to the Dean's attend-
ant, who was an original in his own way, and he referred
the man to his master. The messenger rode up to the
Dean, and said, "Please, sir, master would be obliged if
you would tell him who you are?" "Willingly," replied
the Dean; "tell your master I am the person that bowed
to him v/hen we were giving our horses water at the brook
yonder."
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 47
The Irish aristocracy had Httle favor with Swift; he keen-
ly assailed their jobbing propensities, particularly in the
management of roads and bridges; he assailed one with
mock praise, declaring,
So great was his bounty,
He erected a bridge at the cost of the county.
Another worthy had taken for his motto Eues hand
male notus, which Swift, with equal wit and truth, trans-
lated, "Better known than trusted." Chief Justice Whits-
head's motto was made the subject of a stinging epigram:
Libertas et natale solum—
Pine words! I wonder where you stole 'em;
Could nothing but your chief reproach
Serve for the motto of your coach?
He had an extraordinary talent for extempore rhymes.
An innkeeper who wished to add the king's head to his old
sign of the bell, asked for a motto which might reconcile
such an anomaly. Swift gave him,
May the king live long;
Dong ding, diftg dong.
After the publication of the Drapier's Letters he became
so popular that he was always followed by a crowd when-
ever he appeared in the streets of Dublin. He used fre-
quently to say that the Irish ought to subscribe and pur-
chase him a stock of hats, for that his own was worn out by
the number of salutes he had to return.
Many apocryphal anecdotes are related of his interchange
of slang with the shoeblacks and beggars of Dublin, a race
remarkable for their readiness in repartee; but it has hap-
pened to Swift as to other celebrated jesters, to be ac-
counted the author of every joke, good and bad, perpetrated
in his day, and few of the jokes preserved by tradition are
worthy of being repeated.
His epigrams and lampoons display a ready and caustic
wit. No man was more ready in "the amber immortaliza-
tion" of an enemy; the name of the unlucky offender, how-
ever unrhythmical, "slides into verse and hitches in his
rhyme," where it continues gibbeted, for the mockery of
48 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
all future generations. The best example of this skill is
the epigram on Whiston and Ditton, which, however, can-
not be quoted; next to it, perhaps, may be ranked the
notice of Bettesworth, a sergeant at law, who had pro-
voked the Dean's hostility by attacking the privileges of the
clergy:
Thus at the bar the booby Bettesworth,
Thoug-h half a crown o'erpays his sweat's worth,
Who knows in law, nor text, nor margent,
Call Singleton his brother sergeant.
When the poem of which these lines form a part was first
published, it was brought wet from the press to a company
in which Bettesworth was present. The sergeant was
asked to read it, and when he came to the lines reflecting
on himself, he started up and vowed that he would take
deadly revenge. He hastened to the deanery, and, forcing
his way to Swift's presence, said, "Sir, I am Sergeant
Bettesworth." The Dean, with a most innocent face, asked,
''Of what regiment, pray?" Bettesworth, "still more en-
raged, demanded, "Are you the author if this paper?"
Swift, with great coolness, answered, "Mr. Bettesworth, I
was in my youth, acquainted with great lawyers, who,
knowing my disposition to satire, advised me if any scoun-
drel or blockhead whom I had lampooned should ask me
such a question as you have put, that I should deny the
authorship, and I therefore tell you that I am not the auth-
or of these lines." Bettesworth blustered, but could get
no further satisfaction; at last he went off, saying, "Mr.
Dean, you are like one of your own Yahoos; you have
clambered to a place of security whence you can gratify
your vindictive temper by pelting filth at your betters."
As Bettesworth continued to threaten violent and cor-
poral revenge, the inhabitants of St. Patrick's district
formed an association for the Dean's defense, and the un-
fortunate lawyer could scarcely venture to appear in the
streets. He subsequently declared in Parliament that Swift's
satire had deprived him of more than twelve hundred
pounds a year.
An epigram was the last composition of Swift, and al-
most his last symptom of rationality. During a brief lucid
interval he was taken out for a drive by his physician; as
they passed through the park Swift remarked a new build-
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 49
ing which he had never seen before, and asked what it was.
The physician repHed, "That, Mr. Dean, is the magazine
of arms and powder, for the security of the city." "O, ho !"
said the Dean, pulling out his pocketbook, ''let me take
an item of that, this is worth remarking; 'my tablets,' as
Hamlet says, 'my tablets, memory put down that.' " He
then produced the following- lines, the last which he ever
wrote :
Behold a proof of Irish sense!
Here Irish wit is seen!
When nothing's left that's worth defense,
We build a magazine.
The greatest difficulty in the analysis of Swift's literary
character is to discover by what depravity of intellect he
acquired a taste for loathsome and filthy ideas, from which
every other mind shrinks with disgust. "The ideas of pleas-
ure," says Dr. Johnson^ "even when criminal, may solicit
the imagination; but what has disease, deformity, and
filth upon which the thoughts can be allowed to dwell?"
The answer is not easy; physicians, however, have fre-
quently found such a morbid perversion of the intellect con-
nected with physiological defects; the obliquity appears to
have been constitutional with Swift; it is found in his
earliest as well as his latest works, but it becomes most
offensive w^hen the symptoms of his last lamentable disease
began to manifest themselves.
Few political writers could boast of such triumphs. In
the reign of Queen Anne, he turned the stream of popu-
larity against the Whigs, and must be confessed to have
guided for a time the entire mass of public opinion in Eng-
land. In the ensuing reign he became the tribune of the
Irish people, and their political dictator. Supported only
by a trampled and oppressed nation, he bade defiance to
the crown, the bench, and the Parliament, "and showed that
wit confederated with truth has such force as authority is
unable to resist " To use the words of Dr. Johnson, "He
said truly of himself, that Ireland was his debtor. It was
from the time that he first began to patronize the Irish that
they may date their riches and prosperity. He taught them
first to know their own interest, their weight, and their
strength, and gave them spirit to assert that equality with
their fellow-subjects to which they have ever since been
4
50 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
making vigorous advances, and to claim those rights which
they have at last established. Nor can they be charged
with ingratitude to their benefactor, for they reverenced
him as a guardian and obeyed him as a dictator."
Swift's memory is still revered in Ireland, and especially
in Dublin; men of every party confess that he gave the
first impulse to the exertions made for constitutional free-
dom, and the consequent development of a manufacturing
industry. His exertions of themselves were not, perhaps,
of great moment, but they Vv^ere all-important as examples.
There was in his character much to condemn, but there
was also much to admire; very inferior deserts may secure
popularity for a day, substantial merit can alone embalm
a memory in the heart of a nation:
Then be his failing-s cover'd by his tomb,
And guardian laurels o'er his ashes bloom.
THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.
Lemuel Gulliver, the author of these Travels, is my an-
cient and intimate friend; there is likewise some relation
between us on the mother's side. About three years ago,
Mr. Gulliver, growing weary of the concourse of curious
people coming to him at his house in Redriff, made a small
purchase of land, with a convenient house, near Newark in
Nottinghamshire, his native country, where he now lives,
retired, yet in good esteem among his neighbors.
Although Mr. Gulliver was born in Nottinghamshire,
where his father dwelt, yet I have heard him say his family
came from Oxfordshire; to confirm which, I have observed
in the church-yard at Banbury in that country, several tombs
and monuments of the Gullivers. Before he quitted Red-
riff, he left the custody of the following papers in my hands,
with the liberty to dispose of them as I should think fit. I
have carefully perused them three times. The style is very
plain and simple; and the only fault I find is, that the
author, after the manner of travelers, is a little too circum-
stantial. There is an air of truth apparent throughout the
whole; and, indeed, the author was so distinguished for
his veracity, that it became a sort of proverb among his
neighbors at Redriff, when any one affirmed a thing to say,
'Tt was as true as if Mr. Gulliver had spoken it."
By the advice of several worthy persons, to whom, with
the author's permission, I communicated these papers, I
now venture to send them into the world, hoping they may
be, at least for some time, a better entertainment to our
young noblemen than the common scribbles of politics and
party.
This volume would have been at least twice as large, if
I had not made bold to strike out innumerable passages
relating to the winds and tides, as well as to the variations
and bearings in the several voyages, together with the
52 THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.
minute descriptions of the management of the ship in
storms, in the style of sailors ; likewise the account of longi-
tudes and latitudes; wherein I have reason to apprehend
that Mr. Gulliver may be a little dissatisfied: but I was re-
solved to fit the work as much as possible to the general
capacity of readers. However, if my own ignorance in sea
affairs shall have led me to commit some mistakes, I alone
am ansv/erable for them; and if any traveler has a curiosity
to see the whole work at large, as it came from the hands of
the author, I will be ready to gratify him.
As for any further particulars relating to the author, the
reader will receive satisfaction from the first page of the
book.
Richard Sympsofi.
A LETTER
FROM
Captain Gulliver to liis Consin Sympsoo.
WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1727.
I hope you will be ready to own publicly, whenever you
shall be called to it, that by your great and frequent urg-
ency, you prevailed on me to publish a very loose and un-
correct account of my travels, with directions to hire some
young gentleman of either university to put them in order,
and correct the style, as my cousin Dampier did by my ad-
vice, in his book called ''A Voyage Round the World."
But I do not remember I gave you power to consent that
anything should be omitted, and much less that anything
should be inserted; therefore, as to the latter, I do here
renounce everything of that kind, particularly a paragraph
about her majesty Queen Anne, of most pious and glorious
memory, although I did reverence and esteem her more
than any of human species. But you, or your inter-
polator, ought to have considered, that as it was not my
inclination, so it was not decent to praise any animal of
our composition before my master Houyhnhnm; and, be-
sides, the fact was altogether false; for to my knowledge,
being in England during some part of her majesty's reign,
she did govern by a chief minister; nay, even by two suc-
cessively, the first whereof was the lord of Godolphin, and
the second the lord of Oxford; so that you have made me
say the thing that was not. Likewise, in the account of
the academy of projectors, and several passages of my dis-
course to my master Houhyhnhnm, you have either omitted
some material circumstances, or mincfed or changed them
in such a manner, that I do hardly know my own work.
When I formerly hinted to you something of this in a letter,
you were pleased to answer, 'That you were afraid of giving
ofifense; that people in power were very watchful over the
press, and apt not only to interpret, but to punish everything
^^ A LETTER PROM GULLIVER
which looked like an innuendo (as I think yon call It). But,
pray, how could that which I spoke so many years ago,
and at above five thousand leagues distance, in another
reign, be applied to any of the Yahoos who now are said to
govern the herd; especially at a time when I little thought
or feared the unhappiness of living? Have not I the most
reason to complain, when I see these very Yahoos carried
by Houyhnhnms in a vehicle, as if they were brutes, and
those the rational creatures? And, indeed, to avoid so mon-
strous and detestable a sight was one principal motive of my
retirement hither.
Thus much I thought proper to tell you in relation to
yourself, and to the trust I reposed in you.
I do, in the next place, complain of my own great want
of judgment, in being prevailed upon, by the entreaties and
false reasonings of you and some others, very much against
my own opinion, to suffer my Travels to be published. Pray
bring to your mind how often I desired you to consider,
when you insisted on the motive of public good, that the
Yahoos were a species of animals utterly incapable of amend-
ment by precepts or example; and so it has proved; for,
instead of seeing a full stop put to all abuses and corrup-
tions, at least in this little island, as I had reason to expect;
behold, after six months' warning, I cannot learn that my
book has produced one single effect according to my inten-
tions. I desired you would let me know by a letter when the
party and faction were extinguished; judges learned and up-
right; pleaders honest and modest, with a tincture of common
sense, and Smithfield blazing with pyramids of law books;
the young nobility's education entirely changed; the phy-
sicians banished; the female Yahoos abounding in virtue,
honor, truth, and good sense; courts and levees of great
ministers thoroughly weeded and swept; wit, merit, and
learning rewarded ; all disgracers of the press, in prose and
verse, condemned to eat nothing but their own cotton, and
quench their thirst with their own ink. These, and a thou-
sand other reformations, I firmly counted upon by your en-
couragement; as, indeed, they were plainly deduclble from
the precepts delivered in my book. And It must be owned,
that seven months were sufficient time to correct every vice
and folly to which Yahoos are subject, If their natures had
been capable of the least disposition to virtue or wisdom.
TO HIS COUSIN SYMPSON. 55
Yet, so far have you been from answering my expectation
in any of your letters, that, on the contrary, you are loading
our carrier every week with libels, and keys, and reflections,
and memories, and second parts; wherein I see myself ac-
cused of reflecting upon great state folks ; of degrading hu-
man nature (for so they have still the confidence to style
it), and of abusing the female sex. I find, likewise, that the
writers of those bundles are not agreed among themselves;
for some of them will not allow me to be the author of my
own Travels, and others make me author of books to which
I am wholly a stranger.
I find, likewise, that your printer has been so careless as
to confound the times and mistake the dates of my several
voyages and returns, neither assigning the true year, nor
the true month, nor day of the month,* and I hear the orig-
inal manuscript is all destroyed since the publication of my
book; neither have I any copy left. However, I send you
some corrections which you may insert if ever there should
be a second edition; and yet I cannot stand to them, but shall
leave that matter to my judicious and candid readers to ad-
just it as they please.
I hear some of our sea Yahoos find fault with my sea
language as not proper in many parts nor now in use.f
I cannot help it. It was my first voyage, while I was young,
I was instructed by the oldest mariners, and learned to speak
as they did. But I have since found that the sea Yahoos
are apt, like the land ones, to become newfangled in their
words, which the latter change every year; insomuch as I
remember, upon each return to my own country, their old
dialect was so altered that I could hardly understand the
new. And I observe, when any Yahoos come from London,
out of curiosity, to visit me at my house, we neither of us
* That the original copy of these Travels was altered by the person
through whose hands it was conveyed to the press is a fact; but the
passag-es of which Mr. Gulliver complains in this letter are to be
found only in the first edition; for the Dean, having restored the
text wherever it had been altered, sent the copy to the late Mr. Motte
by the hands of Mr. Charles Ford. This copy has been exactly fol-
lowed in every subsequent edition, except that printed in Ireland by
Mr, Faulkner, the editor of which, supposing the Dean to be serious
when he mentioned the corruption of dates, and yet finding them un-
altered, thought fit to alter them himself. There is, however, scarce
one of these alterations in which he has not committed a blunder;
though while he was thus busy in defacing- the parts that were per-
fect, he suffered the accidental blemish of others to remain.- -Hawks-
worth.
t See the account of the storm at the commencement of the second
voyage,
56 A LETTER FROM GULLIVER
are able to deliver our conceptions in a manner intelligible
to the other.
If the censure of the Yahoos could in any way affect me,
I should have great reason to complain that some of them
are so bold as to think my book of Travels a mere fiction
out of mine own brain, and have gone so far as to drop
hints that the Houyhnhnms and Yahoos have no more ex-
istence than the inhabitants of Utopia.
Indeed, I must confess that as to the people of Lilliput,
Brobdingrag (for so the word w^ould have been spelt, and
not erroneously, Brobdingnag), and Laputa, I have never
yet heard of any Yahoo so presumptuous as to dispute their
being or the facts I have related concerning them,
because the truth immediately strikes every reader with con-
viction. And is there less probability in my account of the
Houyhnhnms or Yahoos when it is manifest as to the latter,
there are so many thousands, even in this country, who only
differ from their brother brutes in Houyhnhnm-land, be-
cause they use a sort of jabber and do not go naked? I
wrote for their amendment and not their approbation.
The united praise of the whole race would be of less conse-
quence to me than the neighing of those tv/o degenerate
Houyhnhnms I keep in my stable, because from these, de-
generate as they are, I still improve in some virtues without
any mixture of vice.
Do these miserable animals presume to think that I am. so
degenerated as to defend my veracity? Yahoo as I am, it is
well known through all Houyhnhnm-land, that, by the in-
structions and example of my illustrious master, I was able,
in the compass of two years (although I confess with the
utmost difficulty), to remove that infernal habit of lying,
shuffling, deceiving, and equivocating, so deeply rooted in
the very souls of all my species, especially the Europeans.
I have other complaints to make upon this vexatious oc-
casion, but I forbear troubling myself or you any further.
I must freely confess, that, since my last, some corruptions
of my Yahoo nature have revived in me, by conversing with
a few of your species, and particularly those of my own fam-
ily, by an unavoidable necessity, else I should never have
attempted so absurd a project as that of reforming the Ya-
hoo race in this kingdom; but I have now done with all
such visionary schemes forever
^pril 2, 1727,
A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.*
CHAPTER I
THE AUTHOR GIVES SOME ACCOUNT OF HIMSELF AND FAM-
ILY—HIS FIRST INDUCEMENT TO TRAVEL— HE IS SHIP-
WRECKED, AND SV/IMS FOR HIS LIFE— GETS SAFE ON
SHORE IN THE COUNTRY OF LILLIPUT— IS MADE A PRIS-
ONER, AND CARRIED UP THE COUNTRY.
My father had a small estate in Nottinghamshire; I was
the third of five sons. He sent me to Emanuel College in
Cambridge, at fourteen years old, where I resided three
years, and applied myself close to my studies, but the charge
of maintaining me, although I had very scant allowance, be-
ing too great for a narrov/ fortune, I was bound apprentice to
Mr. James Bates, an eminent surgeon in London, with
whom I continued four years ; and my father now and then
sending me small sums of money, I laid them out in learn-
* Gulliver's Travels were originally designed to form part of a sa-
tire on the Abuse of Human Learning, projected by Pope, Swift, and
Arbuthnot. In their joint publication the "Memoirs of Martinus Scrib-
ierus," the sketch of the work is thus given by Pope:
"It was in the year 1G69, that Martin set out on his travels. Thou
wilt certainly be very curious to knov/ what they were. It is not yet
time to inform thee; but what hints I am at liberty to give I will.
"Thou Shalt know, then, that in his first voyage he was carried by
a prosperous storm to a discovery of the ancient Pygmean empire.
"That in his second, he was happily shipwrecked on the land of
the Giants, the most humane people in the world.
"That, in his third, he discovered a whole kingdom of philosophers,
who govern by the mathematics; with whose admirable scheijies
and projects he returned to benefit his own country; but had the
misfortune to find them rejected by the envious ministers of Queen
Anne, and himself sent treacherously away.
"And hence it is that in his fourth voyage he discovers a vein of
melancholy, proceeding almost to a disgust of his species; but above
all, a mortal detestation of the whole flagitious race of ministers, and
a final resolution not to give in any memorial to the Secretary of State,
in order to subject the lands he discovered to the crown of Great
Britain.
"Now, if by these hints the reader can help himself to a farther
discovery of the nature and contents of these travels, he is w^elcome
to as much light as they afford him; I am obliged by all the ties of
honor not to speak more openly."
Pope, however, appears to have been displeased at the substitution
of Lemuel Gulliver for Martinus Scriblerus; he adds rather ill-na-
turedly;
58 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. .
ing navigation, and other parts of the mathematics, useful
to those who intend to travel, as I always believed it would
be, some time or other, my fortune to do. W^hen I left Mr.
Bates, I went down to my father; where, by the assistance
of him and my uncle John, and some other relations, I got
forty pounds, and a promise of thirty pounds a year to main-
tain me at Leyden; there I studied physic tv/o years and
seven months, knowing it would be useful to me in long
voyages. Soon after my return from Leyden, I was recom-
mended by my good master, Mr. Bates, to be surgeon to the
Swallow, Captain Abraham Pannell, commander; with
whom I continued three years and a half, making a voyage
or two into the Levant, and some other parts. When I
"But if any man shall see such very extraordinary voyages, which
manifest the most distinguishing marks of a philosopher, a politi-
cian, and a legislator, and can imagine them to belong to a surgeon
of a ship, or captain of a merchantman, let him remain in his igno-
rance." ^ ^,
Swift himself thus announces the approaching appearance of the
work in a letter to Pope dated Dublin, September 29th, 1725: "I have
employed my time (besides ditching) in finishing, correcting, amending,
and transcribing my Travels, In four parts complete, newly aug-
mented, and intended for the press when the world shall deserve
them, or rather when a printer shall be found bold enough to venture
his ears."
The existence of a nation of pigmies was firmly believed in ancient
times. The diminutive race is mentioned by Herodotus, Aristotle,
Pliny, and even by some of the earlier modern travelers. The following
account is from Ctesias, who was contemporary with Xenophon: "In
the middle of India there are black men called pigmies, using the same
language as the other Indians; they are very little, the tallest of them
being but two cubits, and most of them but a cubit and a half high.
They have very long hair, reaching dov/n to their knees and lower;
and a beard larger than any man's. After their beards are grown long
they wear no clothes, but the hair of their head falls behind, a great
deal below their hams, and that of their beard before comes dov/n to
their feet; then laying their hair thick all about their body, they
afterwards gird themselves, making use of their hair for clothes.
* * * They are flat-nosed and ill-favored. Their sheep are like
lambs, and their oxen and asses scarce as big as rams, and their
horses and mules, and all their other cattle, not bigger. Three
thousand of these pigmies are household troops in the service of the
king of India. They are good archers. They are very just, and use
the same laws as the Indians do."
Some of the old commentators on the Bible translated the word
Gammachia, pigmies, and it is so rendered in the Vulgate. "This cir-
cumstance," as Sir Thomas Browne remarks, in his "Enquiries into
Vulgar Errors," "tended greatly to confirm the popular belief in the
existence of this fabulous race." Viewed as a mere fiction, the
account of Lilliput did not appear so extravagant in Swift's days as
it does in ours. Every one has heard the story of the Irish bishop.
a very learned man, who, having read the voyage to Lilliput, said
that "there were some things in it which he could not believe."
After the publication of the Travels, Swift was much amused to
find that Gulliver was a real name, and that a Mr. Jonathan Gulliver
was a member of the House of Representatives in Boston. An
American writer adds that this Jonathan deemed it necessary to
disclaim publicly all connection with Lemuel,
GULLlVER*g TKAVBLI^. 59
came back I resolved to settle in London; to which Mr.
Bates, my master, encouraged me, and by him I was recom-
mended to several patients. I took part of a small house in
the Old Jewry; and being advised to alter my condition, I
married Miss Mary Burton, second daughter to Mr. Ed-
mund Burton, hosier, in Newgate Street, with whom I re-
ceived four hundred pounds for a portion."^'
But my good master Bates dying two years after, and I
having few friends, my business began to fail; for my con-
science would not suffer me to imitate the bad practice of
too many among my brethren. Having, therefore, consulted
v/ith my wife and some of my acquaintance, I determined
to go again to sea. I was surgeon successively in tw^o ships,
and made several voyages, for six years, to the East and
West Indies, by which I got some addition to my fortune.
My hours of leisure I spent in reading the best authors, an-
cient and modern, being always provided with a good num-
ber of books; and when I was ashore, in observing the man-
ners and dispositions of the people, as w^ell as learning their
language, wherein I had a great facility, by the strength of
my memor}^
The last of these voyages not proving very fortunate, I
grew weary of the sea, and intended to stay at home with
my v/ife and family. I removed from the Old Jewry to Fet-
ter Lane, and from thence to Wapping, hoping to get busi-
ness among the sailors, but it would not turn to account.
After three years' expectation that things would mend, I
* Swift and Defoe are unrivalled in the art of introducing trifling
and minute circumstances which give an air of reality to their
fictitious narratives. In Gulliver's early history, as in that of Crusoe,
persons are casually mentioned of whom we hear nothing more.
Gulliver's uncle, like Crusoe's brother, only comes on the stage to
disappea,r again forever. This is quire contrary to the usual course
of romance v/riters, who rarely introduce a personage or an incident
that does not in some way aid the development of the plot. Sir
Walter Scott suggests that Swift probably imitated Defoe in this
particular, but the ideal character of Gulliver naturally led the Dean
to introduce these petty particulars. He designed to portray Gulliver
as a kind of second Dampier, uniting the hom-ely sense and prejudices
of a true-born Englishman to the acquired wisdom of a life of ad-
ventures. There is a sailor's bluntness and frankness in everything
that Gulliver tells us of himself and family; the occasional minuteness
and even coarseness of the personal details are faithfully taken from
the journals of the early English voyagers, whose accounts of their
discoveries are strangely blended with the most trifling particulars
respecting their food, clothing, etc. The character of Gulliver is that
of a thorough English sailor; his education at Leyden did not raise
him too high above the rude tars with whom he mingled, and v/e
always find his learning brought forward v/ith difficulty and by an
effort, v/hile his mother-wit and sailor's courage are present in every
emergency.
60 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
accepted an advantageous offer from Captain William
Prichard, master of the Antelope, who was making a voy-
age to the South Sea. We set sail from Bristol, May 4,
1699, ^^d o^r voyage at first was very prosperous.
It would not be proper, for some reasons, to trouble the
reader with the particulars of our adventures in those seas;
let it suffice to inform him, that in our passage from thence
to the East Indies, we were driven by a violent storm to the
northwest of Van Dieman's Land.''' By an observation, we
found ourselves in the latitude of 30 degrees 2 minutes south.
Twelve of our crew were dead by immoderate labor and ill
food: the rest were in a very weak condition. On the 5th of
November, which was the beginning of the summer in those
parts, the weather being very hazy, the seamen spied a rock
within half a cable's length of the ship, but the wind was so
strong that we were driven directly upon it, and immediately
split. Six of the crew, of whom I was one, having let down
the boat into the sea, made a shift to get clear of the ship
and the rock. We rowed, by my computation, . about three
ieagues, till we were able to work no longer, being already
spent with labor while we were in the ship. We therefore
trusted ourselves to the mercy of the waves, and in about
half an hour the boat was overset by a sudden flurry from
the north. What became of my companions in the boat, as
of those v/ho escaped on the rock, or were left in the vessel,
I cannot tell, but conclude they were all lost. For my part,
I swam as fortune directed me, and was pushed forward by
wind and tide. I often let my legs drop, but could feel no
bottom, but when I was almost gone, and able to struggle no
longer, I found myself within my depth; and by this time
the storm was much abated. The declivity was so small,
that I walked near a mile before I got to the shore, which I
conjectured was about eight o'clock in the evening. I then
advanced forward near half a mile, but could not discover
any sign of houses or inhabitants ; at least I was in so weak
a condition that I did not observe them. I was extremely
tired, and that, and the heat of the weather, and about half
a pint of brandy that I drank as I left the ship, I found my-
* This island was first discovered A. D. 1633, by Abel Janson Tasman,
a Dutch navigator, who called it Van Diemen's Land, after the governor
of Batavia, by whom he had been sent to examine the Southern
Ocean. Tasman' s narrative was very loose and inaccurate so that
Swift might people the seas which that navigator traversed with
any creatures he pleased.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 61
self much inclined to sleep. I lay down on the grass, which
was very short and soft, where I slept sounder than ever I
remember to have done in my life, and, as I reckoned, about
nine hours; for v/hen I awakened^ it was just dayHght. I
attempted to rise, but was not able to stir; for, as I happened
to lie on my back, I found my arms and legs were strongly
fastened on each side to the ground; and my hair, which
was long and thick, tied down in the same manner. I like-
vvise felt several slender ligatures across my body, from my
arm-pits to my thighs. I could only look upwards; the sun
began to grow hot, and the light offended my eyes. I heard
a confused noise about me; but in the posture I lay, could
see nothing except the sky. In a little time, I felt something
alive moving on my left leg, which advancing gently forward
over my breast, came almost up to my chin; when, bending
my eyes downward as much as I could, I perceived it to be
a human creature not six inrh(;^s high, with bow and an
arrow in his hands and a quiver at his back.* In the mean-
time I felt at least forty more of the same kind (as I conjec-
tured) following the first. I was in the utmost astonishment,
and roared so loud that they all ran back in fright, and some
of them, as I was afterwards told, were hurt by the falls they
got by leaping from my sides upon the ground. However,
they soon returned, and one of them who ventured so far as
to get a full sight of my face, lifting up his hands and eyes
by-way of admiration, cried out in a shrill but distinct voice,
Hekinah degul! The others repeated the same words sev-
eral times, but I then knew not what it meant.
I lay all this while, as the reader may believe, in great un-
easiness; at length, struggling to get loose, I had the fortune
to break the strings, and Vv^rench out the pegs that fastened
my left arm to the ground, for, by lifting it up to my face, I
discovered the methods they had taken to bind me, and at
the same time with a violent pull, which gave me excessive
* This incident is taken from Philostratus. (Icon. lib. ii. p. 817.)
"The pigmies,"' he says, "were anxious to revenge the death of
Antaeus, and having found Hercules napping in Libya, they mustered
up all their forces against him. One phalanx assaulted his left hand,
but against his right hand, that being the stronger, two phalanxes
were appointed. The ai^chers and slingers besieged his feet, admiring
the hugeness of his thighs; but against his head, as the arsenal,
they raised batteries, the king himself taking his post there. They
set fire to his hair, put reaping-hooks in his eyes: and that he might
not breathe, fixed doors to his mouth and nostrils. But all the
execution that they could do was only to awaken him; and when
this was done, deriding their folly, he gathered them all up into his
lion's skin and carried them (Philostratus thinks) to Euristhenes."
62 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
pain, I a little loosened the strings that tied down my hair on
the left side, so that I was just able to turn my head about
two inches. But the creatures ran off a second time, before
I could seize them ; whereupon there was a great shout in a
very shrill accent, and after it had ceased I heard one of them
cry aloud, Tolgo phonac ; when in an instant I felt above a
hundred arrows discharged on my left hand, which pricked
me like so many needles; and besides they shot another
flight into the air, as we do bombs in Europe, whereof many,
I suppose, fell on my body (though I felt them not) and some
on my face, which I immediately covered with my left hand.
When this shower of arrows w^as over, I fell groaning with
grief and pain, and then striving again to get loose, they dis-
charged another volley larger than the first, and some of
them attempted with spears to stick me in the sides; but
by good luck I had on me a buff jerkin, which they could not
pierce. I thought it the most prudent method to lie still,
and my design was to continue so till night, when, my left
hand being already loose, I could easily free myself: and as
for the inhabitants, I had reason to believe I might be a
match for the greatest army they could bring against me,
if they were all of the same size with him that I saw. But
fortune disposed otherwise of me. When the people ob-
served I was quiet, they discharged no more arrows; but,
by the noise I heard, I knew their numbers increased; and
about four yards from me, over against my right ear, I heard
a knocking for above an hour, like that of people at work ;
when turning my head that way, as well as the pegs and
strings would permit me, I saw a stage erected about a foot
and a half from the ground, capable of holding four of the
inhabitants, with two or three ladders to mount it: from
whence one of them, who seemed to be a person of quality,
m^ade me a long speech, whereof I understood not a syl-
lable."^ But I should have mentioned, that before the prin-
cipal person began his oration, he cried out three times,
* Moore has made a very amusing- use of this incident, in an ode
to Sir Hudson Lowe, which is too g-ood to be passed over with a
mere reference.
Sir Hudson Lowe, Sir Hudson Low,
(By name, and ah! by nature so),
As thou art fond of persecutions;
Perhaps thou'st read, or heard repeated,
How Captain Gulliver was treated,
When thrown among the Lilliputians,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. . 63
Langro dehul san (these words and former were afterwards
repeated and explained to me). V^^hereupon, immediately
about fifty of the inhabitants came and cut the string
that fastened the left side of my head, which gave me the
liberty of turning it to the right, and of observing the person
and gesture of him that was to speak. He appeared to be of
middle age, and taller than any of the other three who at-
tended him, v/hereoTone was a page that held up his train,
and seemed to be somewhat longer than my middle finger;
the other two stood one on each side to support him. He \ •
acted every part of an orator, and I could observe many ^^^ - .
periods of threatenings, and other promises, pity, and V\n^ d!^^"^*^
ness.* I answered in a few words, but in the most submis-^^^
sive manner, Hfting up my left hand and both my eyes to the
sun, as calling him for a witness; and being almost famished
with hunger, not having eaten a morsel for some hours be-
fore I left the ship, I found the demands of nature so strong
upon me that I could not forbear showing my impatience
(perhaps against the strict rules of decency), by putting my
finger frequently to my mouth, to signify that I wanted food.
The hurgo (for so they call a great lord, as I afterwards
They tied him down— these little men did—
And having- valiantly ascended
Upon the mighty man's protuberance,
They did so strut! Upon my soul,
It must have been extremely droll
To see their pigmy pride's exuberance!
And how the doughty manikins
Amused themselves with sticking pins
And needles in the great man's breeches:
And how some very little things
That pass'd for lords, on scaffoldings
Got up and worried him with speeches,
Alas! alas! that it should happen.
To mighty men to be caught napping;
Though different to these persecutions;
For Gulliver there took the nap
While here, the Nap — ah. sad mishap!—
Is taken by the Lilliputians.
* In the excitement that followed the Revolution, public speaking
became more common in England than it had ever been before, and
several of the Whig lords rendered efficient service to the cause of
the Hanoverian succession, by their speeches at county meetings.
Swift despised and hated these itinerant orators, to whose exertions
the overthrow of his party v/as mainly owing, and it is probable that
in this description he alludes to some particular leader of the Whig
party who was remarkable for his addresses to popular assemblies.
Sir Robert Walpole after his expulsion from Parliament was an active
agitator among the Whigs, and was not less formidable to Harley
and Bolingbroke, outside the walls of the House of Commons, than
he had been as a leader of parliamentary opposition.
64 ■ GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
learned) understood me very well. He descended from the
stage, and commanded that several ladders should be ap-
plied to my sides, on which about a hundred of the inhabi-
tants mounted, and walked towards my mouth, laden with
baskets full of meat, which had been provided and sent thith-
er by the king's orders, upon the first intelligence he received
of me. I observed there was the flesh of several animals, but
could not distinguish them by the taste. There were shoul-
ders, legs and loins, shaped like those of mutton, and very
well dressed^ but smaller than the wings of a lark. I ate
them by two or three at a mouth full, and took three loaves
at a time about the bigness of musket-balls. They supplied
me as fast as they could, shov/ing a thousand marks of won-
der and astonishment at my bulk and appetite.
I then made another sign that I wanted drink. They
found by my eating that a small quantity would not suffice
me; and being a most ingenious people^ they slung up, with
great dexterity, one of their largest hogsheads, then rolled
it towards my hand, and beat out the top ; I drank it ofif at
a draught, which I might well do, for it did not hold half
a pint, and tasted like a small wine of Burgundy, but much
v^ more delicious. They brought me a second hogshead, which
(X I drank in the same manner, and made signs for more: but
iS. they had none to give me. When I had performed these
S wonders they shouted for joy, and danced upon my breast,
y repeating several times as they did at first, Hekinah degul.
L, They made me a sign that I should throw down the two
hogsheads, but first warning the people below to stand out
Sof the way, crying aloud, Borach mevolah: and when they
saw the vessels in the air there was a universal shout of
Hekinah degul. I confess I was often tempted, while they
were passing backwards and forwards on my body, to seize
iforty or fifty of the first that came in my reach and dash
jthem against the ground. But the remembrance of what I
had felt, which probably might not be the worst they could
do, and the promise of honor I made to them — for so I
interpreted my submissive behavior — soon drove out these
imaginations. Besides, I now considered myself as bound
by the laws of hospitality, to a people who had treated me
with so much expense and magnificence. However, in my
thoughts I could not sufficiently wonder at the intrepidity of
these diminutive mortals, who durst venture to mount and
^
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 65
walk upon my body while one of my hands was at liberty,
without trembling at the very sight of so prodigious a
creature as I must appear to thern. After some time, when
they observed that I made no more demands for meat, there
appeared before me a person of high rank from his imperial
majesty. His excellency, having mounted' on the small of
my right leg, advanced forwards up to my face, with about
a dozen of his retinue, and producing his credentials under
the signet royal, which he applied close to my eyes, spoke
about ten minutes without any signs of anger, but with
a kind of determinate resolution: often pointing forwards,
which, as I afterwards found, was towards the capital city,
about half a mile distant, whither it was agreed by his
majesty in council that I must be conveyed. I answered
in few words, but to no purpose, and made a sign wath my
hand that was loose, putting it to the other (but over his
excellency's head for fear of hurting him or his train),
and then to my own head and body, to signify that I desired
my liberty.
It appeared that he understood me well enough, for he
shook his head by way of disapprobation, and held his
hands in a posture to show that I must be carried as a
prisoner. However, he made other signs, to let me under-
stand that I should have meat and drink enough, and very
good treatment. Wherelipori I Onct" lllOie thought of
TTttempting to Ipreak my bonds; but again, when I felt the
smart of their arrows upon my face and hands, which
were all in blisters, and many of the darts still sticking
in them, and observing likewise that the number of my
enemies increased, I gave them tokens to let them know
that they might do with me what they pleased. Upon
this the hurgo and his train withdrew^ with much civility
and cheerful countenances. Soon after I heard a general
shout, with frequent repetitions of the words, peplom selan ;
and I felt great numbers of people on my left side relaxing
the cords to such a degree that I was able to turn upon
my right, and to ease myself with making water; which
I very plentifully did, to the great astonishment of the
people ; who, conjecturing by my motion what I was going
to do, Immediately opened to the right and left on that side,
to avoid the torrent, which fell with such noise and violence
from me. But, before this, they had daubed my face and
5
66 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
both my hands with a sort of ointment, very pleasant to the
smell, which, in a few minutes, removed all the smart of
their arrows. These circumstances, added to the refresh-
ment I had received by their victuals and drink, which
were very nourishing, disposed me to sleep. I slept about
eight hours, as I was afterwards assured; and it was no
wonder, for the physicians, by the emperor's order, had
mingled a sleepy potion in the hogsheads of wine. \
It seems that upon the first moment I was discovered ^
sleeping on the ground, after my landing, the emperor had ^
early notice of it by an express; and determined in council L
that I should be tied in the manner I have related (which (
was done in the night while I slept), that plenty meat and -y
drink should be sent me, and a machine prepared to carry ^
me to the capital city. This resolution perhaps may appear '
very bold and dangerous, and I am confident would not be
imitated by any prince in Europe on the like occasion.
However, in my opinion, it was extremely prudent, as well
as generous; for supposing these people had endeavored
to kill me with their spears and arrows while I was asleep
I should certainly have awaked with the first sense of
smart, which might have so far aroused my rage and
strength as to have enabled me to break the strings where-
with I was tied; after which, as they were not able to make I
resistance, so they could expect no mercy, kd M- Di^D! *-^
These people ^rp irjoot pvrpHpnt mathematicians and
arrived to a great perfection in mechanics by ihe" coun-
tenance and encouragement of the emperor, who is a re-
nowned patron of learning. This prince has several ma-
chines fixed on Vv^heels, for the carriage of trees and other
great weights. He often builds his largest men of war,
whereof some are nine feet long, in the woods where the
timber grows, and has them carried on these engines three
or four hundred yards to the sea. Five hundred carpenters
and engineers were immediately set at work to prepare the
greatest engine they had. It was a frame of wood raised
three inches from the ground, s.p:£iLJeeMoiig:_and_four
wide, hiovmg upon twenty-two wheels. The shout I heard
was upon the arrival* of this engine, which, it seems, set
out in four hours after my landing. It was brought paral-
lel to me, as I lay. But the principal difficulty was to raise
and place me in this vehicle. Eighty poles, each one foot
0
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 67
high, were erected for this purpose, and very strong cords,
of the bigness of packthread, were fastened by hooks to
many bandages, which the workmen had girt round my
neck, my hands, my body, and my legs. Nine hundred of
the strongest men were employed to draw up' these "cords,
by many pulleys fastened on the poles; and thus, in less
than three hours, I was raised and slung into the engine, and
there tied fast* All this I was told; for, while the opera-
tion was performing I lay in a profound sleep, by the force
of that soporiferous medicine infused into my liquor. Fif-
teen hundred of the emperor's largest horses, each about
four inches and a half high, were employed to draw me
toward the metropolis, which, as I said, was half a mile
distant.
About four hours after we began our journey I awaked
by a very ridiculous accident; for the carriage being stopped
awhile, to adjust something that was out of order, two or
three of the young natives had the curiosity to see how I
looked when I was asleep; they climbed up into the engine,
and, advancing very softly to my face, one of them, an
officer in the guards, put the sharp end of his half-pike a
good way up into my left nostril, which tickled my nose like
a straw, and made me sneeze violently; whereupon they
stole oft unperceived, and it was three weeks before I knew
the cause of my avv^aking so suddenly. We made a long
march the remaining part of the day, and rested at night
with five hundred guards on each side of me, half with
torches, and half with bows and arrows, ready to shoot me
if I should offer to stir. The next morning at sunrise we
continued our march, and arrived within two hundred yards
of the city gates about noon. The emperor and all his
court came out to meet us; but his great officers would
by no means suffer his majesty to endanger his person
by m.ounting on my body.
* The caution of the Lilliputian courtiers is probably designed to
ridicule the overacted solicitude by which the ministers of George L
affected to protect the King- from the plots of the Jacobites. The
Tories who hastened to greet the King on his landing were either
refused admittance or harshly dismissed. "Lord Harcourt, who
arrived with a patent for the peerage of the Prince of Wales, was
abruptly dismissed; the Duke of Ormond, who was hastening to
Greenwich, was forbidden to appear in the royal presence; and Lord
Oxford, who had shown more joy in proclaiming the King than his
friends thought respectful towards the late Queen, was barely admitted
in the crowd to kiss the King's hfind."— Lord F. Russell's Affairs of
Hluvope. vol. 1, p. 3O84
68 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
At the place where the carriage stopped there stood an
ancient temple, esteemed to be the largest in the whole king-
dom, which, having been polluted some years before by an
unnatural murder, was according to the zeal of those people
looked upon as profane, and therefore had been applied to
common use, and all the ornaments and furniture carried
away. In this edifice it was determined I should lodge.
The great gate fronting to the north was about four feet
high and almost two feet wide, through which I could
easily creep. On each side of the gate was a small
Vvindow, not above six inches from the ground; into that
on the left side the king's smith conveyed four-score and
eleven chains, like those that hang to a lady's watch in
Etirope, and almost as large, which were locked to my left
leg with six-and-thirty padlocks. Over against this temple,
on the other side of the great highway, at twenty feet
distance, there was a turret at least five feet high. Here
the emperor ascended, with many principal lords of his
court, to have an opportunity of viewing me, I was told,
for I could not see them. It was reckoned that above an
hundred thousand inhabitants came out of the town upon
the same errand ; and, in spite of my guards, I believe there
could not be fewer than ten thousand, at several times, who
mounted my body, by the help of ladders. But a proclama-
tion was soon issued to forbid it upon pain of death. When
the workmen found it was impossible for me to break loose
they cut all the strings that bound me; whereupon I rose
up, with as melancholy a disposition as ever I had in my
life. But the noise and astonishment of the people at
seeing me rise and walk are not to be expressed. The
chains that held my left leg were about two yards long
and gave me not only the liberty of walking backwards
and forwards in a semi-circle, but being fixed within
four inches of the gate, allowed me to creep in and lie at my
full length in the temple.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 69
CHAPTER II.
THE EMPEROR OF LILLIPUT, ATTENDED BY SEVERAL OF
THE NOBILITY, COMES TO SEE THE AUTHOR IN HIS CON-
FINEMENT—THE EMPEROR'S PERSON AND HABITS DE-
SCRIBED—LEARNED MEN APPOINTED TO TEACH THE
AUTHOR THEIR LANGUAGE— HE GAINS FAVOR BY HIS
MILD DISPOSITION— HIS POCKETS ARE SEARCHED, AND
HIS SWORD AND PISTOLS TAKEN FROM HIM.
When I found myself on my feet I looked about me, and
must confess I never beheld a more entertaining prospect.
The country around appeared like a continued garden, and
the enclosed fields, which were generally forty feet square,
resembled so many beds of flowers. These fields were
intermingled with woods of half a stang,* and the tallest
trees, as I could judge, appeared to be seven feet high. I
viewed the town on my left hand, which looked like the
painted scene of a city in a theater.
I had been for some hours extremely tired, however, so I
crept into my house and shut the door after me. But it was
of no use to try to get ^id of so much company. I had to
come out again, and, to get a little change by stepping
backwards and forwards as far as my chains allowed. I
soon found that the emperor had descended from the tower
and advancing on horseback towards me, which had like
to have cost him dear; for the beast, though very well
trained, yet wholly unused to such a sight, which appeared
as if a mountain moved before him, reared up on his hind
feet; but that prince, who is an excellent horseman, kept
his seat, till his attendants ran in and held the bridle,
while his majesty had time to dismount. When he alighted
he surveyed me round with great admiration; but kept
beyond the length of my chain. He ordered his cooks and
butlers, who were already prepared, to give me victuals and
drink, which they pushed forward in a sort of vehicles upon
wheels till I could reach them. I took these vehicles
and soon emptied them all; twenty of them were filled with
* An old word for perch, sixteen feet and a half. These small
woods were therefore eight feet and a quarter.
16 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
meat, and ten with liquor; each of the former afforded
me two or three good mouthfuls ; and I emptied the Hquor
of ten vessels which was contained in earthen vials, into one
vehicle, drinking it off at a draught; and so I did with the
rest. The empress and young princes of the blood of both
sexes, attended by many ladies, sat at some distance in
their chairs; but, upon the accident that happened to the
emperor's horse, they alighted, and came near his person,
which I am now going to describe. He is taller, by almost
Ehe breadth of my nail, than any of his court; which alone
^enough to strike an awe into the beholders. His fea-
tures are strong and masculine, with an Austrian lip, an
arched nose; his complexion olive, his countenance erect,
his body andTimbs w^ell proportioned, all his motions grace-
ful and his deportment majestic. He was then past his
prime, being twenty-eight years and three-quarters old, of
which he had reigned about seven in great felicity and
generally victorious."^ For the better convenience of be-
holding him I lay on my side, so that my face was parallel
to his, and he stood but three yards off; however, I have
had him since many times in my hand, and therefore cannot
be deceived in the description. His dress was very plain and
simple, and the fashion of it between the Asiatic and the
European; but he had on his head a light helmet of gold,
adorned with jewels, and a plume on the crest. He held his
* There can be little room for doubting- that in the description of
the emperor of Lilliput, Swift dimly shadowed forth some leading
traits in the character of rfprtrpr^ t The points of direct resemblance,
however, for obvious reasons, are very few; it is only by collecting
all the incidents recorded of the Lilliputian emperor, that we find ouc
his general similarity to the first monarch of the House of Brunsv/ick.
: The following account of George I. will enable the reader to discover
the most prominent points of identity in the two portraits. George I.
ascended the English throne in his fifty-fifth year, when men are
usually more disposed to acquiesce in the settled routine than venture
on novel and perhaps troublesome experiments. Moreover, the nat-
ural disposition and understanding of the King were not of a kind at
any period of his I'fe to carry him out of the established orbit. He
was a person of as simple tastes as appearance: in England he was a
stranger; his home being Hanover. He naturally inclined to the
seclusion of a private station, being shy and reserved in public, but
easy and facetious among his inthnates. During the fourteen years
of his government of the electorate, he had acquired the reputation of
a just and circumspect prince, who w^ell understood and steadily
pursued his own interests, and would have been well content to end
his days in the petty sovereignty of his ancestors, had not the am-
bition of others been greater than his own. Punctual in business, he
was more dull than Indolent: and the plain honesty of his temper,
joined with the narrow notions of a low education, made him look
upon his acceptance of the crown as an act of usurpation, which wa^
always uneasy to him. He had no taste for literature or the arts, and
was very parslmonioua.— Wade's British History, p. 334,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 71
sword drawn in his hand to defend himself, if I should hap-
pen to break loose: it was almost three inches long; the hilt
and scabbard were gold enriched with diamonds. His voice
was shrill, but very clear and articulate, and I could dis-
tinctly hear it when I stood up. The ladies and courtiers
were all most magnificently clad; so that the spot they
stood upon seemed to resemble a petticoat spread on the
ground, embroidered with figures of gold and silver. His
imperial majesty spoke often to me, and I returned answers:
but neither of us could understand a syllable. There were
several of his priests and lawyers present (as I conjectured
by their habits), who were commanded to address them-
selves to me: and I spoke to them in as many languages
as I had the least smattering of, which were High and Low
Dutch, Latin, French, Spanish, Italian, and Lingua Franca;
but all to no purpose. After about two hours the court
retired, and I was left with a strong guard to prevent the
impertinence, and probably the malice of the rabble; who
were very impatient to crowd about me as near as they
durst; and some of them had the impudence to shoot their
arrows at me, as I sat on the ground by the door of my
house, whereof one very narrowly missed my left eye. But
the colonel ordered six of the ringleaders to be seized, and
thought no punishment so proper as to deliver them bound
into my hands; which some of his soldiers accordingly did,
pushing them forwards with the butt-ends of their pikes
into my reach. I took them all in my right hand, put five
of them into my coat pocket and as to the sixth, I made a
countenance as if I would eat him alive. The poor man
squalled terribly, and the colonel and his ofificers were in
much pain, especially v/hen they saw me take out my pen-
knife; but I soon put them out of fear; for, looking mildly,
and immediately cutting the strings he was bound with, I
set him gently on the ground and away he ran. I treated
the rest in the same manner, taking them one by one out
of my pocket; and I observed both the soldiers and people
were highly delighted at this mark of my clemency, vs/hich
was represented very much to my advantage at court."^
* Gulliver's history as a courtier at Lilliput is obviously designed
to represent the administration of Harley and Bolingbroke, at the
close of Anne's reign. Whatever were the other demerits of that
cabinet, it must be confessed that they showed more tenderness to
the party by which they were opposed, and greater clemency to
72 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Towards night I got with some difficulty into my
house, where I lay on the ground and continued to do so
about a fortnight; during which time the emperor gave
orders to have a bed prepared for me. Six hundred bedsf
of the common measures were brought in carriages, and
worked up in my house; a hundred and fifty of their beds,
seven together, made up the breadth and length; and
these were four double; which, however, kept me but very
indifferently from the hardness of the floor, that was of
smooth stone. By the same computation they provided
me with sheets, blankets, and coverlets, tolerable enough
for one who had been so long inured to hardships.
As the news of my arrival spread through the kingdom
it brought prodigious numbers of rich, idle, and curious
people to see me; so that the villages were almost emptied,
and great neglect of tillage and household afifairs must have
ensued if his imperial majesty had not provided by several
proclamations and orders of state against this inconveni-
ency. He directed that those who had already beheld me
should return home and not presume to come within fifty
yards of my house without license from the court ; whereby
the secretaries of state got considerable fees.
In the meantime the emperor held frequent councils to
debate what course should be taken with me; and I was
afterwards assured by a particular friend, a person of great
quality, who was as much in the secret as any, that the
court was under many difficulties concerning me. They
apprehended my breaking loose, that my diet would be very
expensive and might cause a famine."^ Sometimes they
determined to starve me, or at least to shoot me in the face
and hands with poisoned arrows which would soon dispatch
me; but again they considered that the stench of so large
a carcass might produce a plague in the metropolis and
probably spread through the whole kingdom. In the midst
of these consultations several officers of the army went to
political delinquents than their successors. This forbearance es-
pecially in the case of libellers, is very ingeniously intimated by
Gulliver's granting- pardon to the malicious archers. Swift used
freauently to remark that Anne was the only sovereign during whose
entire reign no one suffered the penalties of high treason.
t Gulliver has observed great exactness in the just proportion and
appearance of the objects thus lessened.— Orrery.
* The parsimony of George I. has been already noticed; "avarice
was so predominant in him. that he would ra^'se no troops to secure
the succession."— Wade's British History, p. 334.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 73
the door of the great council-chamber and two of them
being admitted, gave an account of my behavior to the six
criminals above mentioned; which made so favorable an
impression in the breast of his majesty and the whole board
in my behalf that an imperial commission was issued out,
obliging all the villages, nine hundred yards round the
city, to deliver in every morning six beeves, forty sheep, and
other victuals for my sustenance; together with a propor-
tionable quantity of bread, and wine and other liquors; for
the due payment of which his majesty gave assignments
upon his treasure: — for this prince lives chiefly upon his
own demesnes: seldom, except upon great occasions, rais-
ing any subsidies upon his subjects, who are bound to attend
him in his wars at their own expense. An establishment
was also made of six hundred persons to be my domestics,
who had board-wages allowed for their maintenance and
tents built for them very conveniently on each side of my
door. It was likewise ordered that three hundred tailors
make me a suit of clothes, after the fashion of the country;
that six of his majesty's greatest scholars should be em-
ployed to instruct me in their language ; and, lastly, that the
emperor's horses, and those of the nobility and troops of
guards should be frequently exercised in my sight, to accus-
tom themselves to me. All these orders were duly put in
execution: and in about three weeks I made a great prog-
ress in learning their language; during which time the
emperor frequently honored me wnth his visits, and was
pleased to assist my masters in teaching me. We began
already to converse together in some sort; and the first
words I learned were to express my desire ''that he
w^ould be pleased to give me my liberty;" which I every
day repeated on my knees. His answer, as I could appre-
hend it, was "that this must be a work of time, not to be
thought on without the advice of his council, and that first
I must lumos kelmin pesso desmar Ion emposo;" that is,
swear a peace with him and his kingdom: however, that
I should be used with all kindness: and he advised me "to
acquire, by my patience and discreet behavior the good
opinion of himself and his subjects." He desired "I would
not take it ill if he gave orders to certain proper ofHcers
to search me ; for probably I might carry about me several
weapons, which must needs be dangerous things, if they
74 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
answer the bulk of so prodigious a person." I said, "His
majesty should be satisfied, for I was ready to strip myself
and turn up my pockets before him." This I delivered, part
in words, and part in signs. He replied, "that, by the laws
of the kingdom I must be searched by two of his officers;
that he knew this could not be done without my consent
and assistance; and he had so good an opinion of my gen-
erosity and justice as to trust their persons in my hands;
that whatever they took from me should be returned when
I left the country or paid for at the rate which I vv^ould set
upon them." I took up the two officers in my hands, put
them first into my coat pockets and then into every other
pocket about me, except my two fobs and another secret
pocket, which I had no mind to be searched, v/herein I
had some little necessaries that were of no consequence to
any but myself. In one of my fobs there was a silver v/atch
and in the other a small quantity of gold in a purse. These
gentlemen, having pen, ink, and paper about them, made
an exact inventory of everything they saw ; and when they
had done, desired I would set them down, that they might
deliver it to the emperor. This inventory I afterwards trans-
lated into English, and is word for word as follows i"^
*^l7npri7nis, In the right coat pocket of the great Man-
mountain (for so I interpret the words qtiinhus flesUHn\
after the strictest search, we found only one great piece of
coarse cloth, large enough to be a footcloth for your maj-
esty's chief room of state. In the left pocket we saw a
huge silver chest, with a cover of the same metal, which
we, the searchers, were not able to lift. We desired it
should be opened, and one of us stepping into it, found him-
self up to the mid-leg in a sort of dust, some part whereof
flying up to our faces, set us both a-sneezing several times
together. In his right waistcoat pocket we found a prodig-
ious bundle of white thin substances, folded one over an-
other, about the bigness of three men, tied with a strong
cable and marked with black figures; which we humbly
conceive to be writings, every letter almost half as large as
the palm of our hands. In the left there was a sort of
* This inventory is designed to ridicule the reports of the several
committees of secrecy appointed by W^alpole to investijrate the pre-
sumed designs of the Jacobites, and especially the secret negotiations
said to be connected with the treaty of Utrecht. It was said of these
reports, that tlie committees "found nothing suspicious but what they
could not understand:" to which it was addod, that "as they under-
stood nothing, they suspected everything."
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. ?5
engine, from the back of which were extended twenty long
poles, resembling the palisadoes before your majesty's
comt; wherewith we conjecture the Man-mountain com.bs
his head, for we did not always trouble him with questions,
because we found it a great difBculty to make him under-
stand us. In the large pocket on the right side of his middle
cover (so I translate ranfu-lo, by which they meant my
breeches), we saw a hollow pillar of iron, about the length
of a man, fastened to a strong piece of timber larger than
the pillar, and upon one side of the pillar were huge pieces
of iron sticking out, cut into strange figures, which we
know not what to make of. In the left pocket another
engine of the same kind. In the smaller pocket on the right
side, were several round flat pieces of white and red metal,
of different bulk; some of the white, which seemed to be
silver, were so large and heavy that my comrade and I could
hardly lift them. In the left pocket were two black pillars
irregularly shaped; w^e could not, without difficulty, reach
the top of them, as we stood at the bottom of his pocket.
One of them was covered and seemed all of a piece; but at
the upper end of the other there appeared a white round
substance, about twice the bigness of our heads. Within
each of these was enclosed a prodigious plate of steel;
which, by our orders, we obliged him to show us, because
we apprehended they might be dangerous engines. He
took them out of their cases, and told us, that in his own
country his practice was to shave his beard with one of these
and cut his meat with the other. There w^re two pockets
which we could not enter; these he called his fobs; they
were two large slits cut into the top of his middle cover, but
squeezed close by the pressure of his belly. Out of the right
fob hung a great silver chain, with a wonderful kind of en-
gine at the bottom. We directed him to draw out whatever
was at the end of that chain, which appeared to be a globe,
half silver, and half of some transparent metal; for, on the
transparent side we saw certain strange figures circularly
drawn, and thought we would touch them till we found our
fingers stopped by that lucid substance. He put his engine
to our ears, which made an incessant noise, like that of a
water-mill; and we conjecture it is either some unknown
animal or the god that he worships ; _ but we are more
inclined to the latter opinion, because he assured us (if we
76 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
understood him right, for he expressed himself very im-
perfectly) that he seldom did anything without consulting
it. He called it his oracle, and said it pointed out the time
for every action of his life. From the left fob he took out
a net almost large enough for a fisherman^ but contrived
to open and shut like a purse, and which served him for
the same use; we found therein several massy pieces of
yellow metal, which, if they be real gold, must be of im-
mense value.
''Having thus, in obedience to your majesty's commands,
diligently searched all his pockets, we observed a girdle
abovit his waist, made of the hide of some prodigious ani-
mal, from which, on the left side, hung a sword of the length
of five men; and on the right a bag, or pouch, divided into
two cells, each cell capable of holding three of your majes-
ty's subjects. In one of these cells were several globes, or
balls, of a most ponderous metal, about the bigness of our
heads, and required a strong hand to lift them; the other
cell contained a heap of certain black grains, but of no great
bulk or weight, for we could hold above fifty of them in the
palms of our hands.
''This is an exact inventory of what we found about the
body of the Man-mountain, who used us with great civility,
and due respect to your majesty's commission. Signed and
sealed on the fourth day of the eighty-ninth moon of your
majesty's auspicious reign."
When the inventory was read over to the emperor he
directed me, although in very gentle terms, to deliver up
the several particulars.* He first called for my cimeter,
which I took out, scabbard and all. In the meantime he
•ordered three thousand of his choicest troops (who then
* The searches made by the Whigs in the houses of persons sus-
pected of Jacobitism and Popery, are scarcely caricatured in this
whimsical account of the examination of Gulliver's pockets. Sir
Walter Scott has g-iven a similar description in his Peveril of the
Peak, where the emissaries of the House of Commons, puzzled by the
ordinary habits of life in the hig-her ranks, were disposed to find
treason in a laced waistcoat, and Popery in a hooped petticoat.
Writing in Ireland, Swift was likely to find an ample supply of search-
ers and alarmists, for the Cromwellian settlers derived their title to
their estates from no better source than the English suspicion and
hatred of Popery, were anxious to keep alive such feelings, and
catalogues of suspicious articles, even more ludicrous than those in
the text, may be found in the records of Dublin Castle.
One of the objects of suspicion in those days, wearied out by
constant equisitions to surrender his firearms, and by the repeated
annoyances which he had experienced, sent his poker, tongs, and
shovel to the arsenal, and took a regular receipt for them from the
offlcer in command.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 77
attended him) to surround me at a distance, with their bows
and arrows just ready to discharge; but I did not observe
it, for mine eyes were wholly fixed upon his majesty.f He
then desired me to draw my cimeter, which, although it had
got some rust by the sea-water, was in most parts exceeding
bright. I did so, and immediately all the troops gave a
shout between terror and surprise; for the sun shone clear,
and the reflection dazzled their eyes, as I waved the cime-
ter to and fro in my hand. His majesty, who was a most
magnanimous prince, was less daunted than I could expect ;
he ordered me to return it into the scabbard and cast it on
the ground as gently as I could, about six feet from the
end of my chain. The next thing he demanded was one
of the hollow iron pillars, by which he meant my pocket
pistols. I drew it out, and at his desire, as well as I could,
expressed to him the use of it; and charging it only with
powder, which, by the closeness of my pouch happened
to escape wetting in the sea (an inconvenience against which
all prudent mariners take special care to provide), I first
cautioned the emperor not to be afraid, and then I let it ofif
in the air. The astonishment here was much greater than
at the sight of the cimeter. Hundreds fell down as if they
had been struck dead; and even the emperor, although he
stood his ground, could not recover himself for some time.
I delivered up both my pistols in the same manner as I
had done my cimeter, and then my pouch of powder and
bullets; begging him that the former might be kept from
fire, for it would kindle with the smallest spark and blow
up his imperial palace into the air. I likewise delivered
up my watch, w^hich the emperor was very curious to see,
and commanded two of his tallest yeomen of the guards to
bear it on a pole upon their shoulders, as draymen in Eng-
land do a barrel of ale. He was amazed at the continual
t There is exquisite humor in these formal preparations for se-
curity, which escaped the notice of the persons they were intending
to intimidate. The satire is directed against the precautions taken
by the Whig ministers on receiving information of real or pretended
plots of the Jacobites, particularly in May, 1722, when "orders were
Issued to all military officers to repair to their respective commands.
General Macartney was despatched to Ireland to bring over some
troops into the west of England. Messengers were sent, to Scotland
to secure some suspected persons; and the States of Holland were
directed to keep in readiness the guarantee troops to be sent to
England in case of need."— Wade, 369. At the same time a procla-
mation was issued commanding all papists to depart from London
and Westminster 1 and for confining papists to their habitations.
78 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
noise it made, and the motion of the minute-hand, which
he could easily discern ; for their sight is much more a^Ute^
than ours; he asked the opinion of his learned men about
it, which were various and remote, as the reader may imag-
ine without my repeating; although, indeed, I could not
very perfect^ understand them. I then gave up my silver
and copper money, my purse with nine large pieces of gold,
and some smaller ones; my knife and razor, my comb and
silver snufT-box, my handkerchief and journal-book. My
cimeter, pistols, and pouch, were conveyed in carriages to
his majesty's stores, but the rest of my goods were returned
to me.
I had, as I before observed, one private pocket, which
escaped their search, wherein there was a pair of spectacles
(which I sometimes use for the weakness of mine eyes) a
pocket perspective, and some other little conveniences
which, being of no consequence to the emperor, I did not
think myself bound in honor to discover, and I apprehended
they might be lost or spoiled if I ventured them out of my
possession.
CHAPTER III.
THE AUTHOR DIVERTS THE EMPEROR, AND HIS NOBILITY
OF BOTH SEXES, IN A VERY UNCOMMON MANNER— THE
DIVERSIONS OF THE COURT OF LILLIPUT DESCRIBED—
THE AUTHOR HAS HIS LIBERTY GRANTED HIM UPON
CERTAIN CONDITIONS.
My gentleness and good behavior had gained so far on
the emperor and his court, and indeed upon the army and
people in general, that I began to conceive hopes of getting
my liberty in a short time. I took all possible methods to
cultivate this favorable disposition. The natives came by
degrees to be less apprehensive of any danger from me. I
would sometimes lie down and let five or six of them dance
on my hand; and at last the boys and girls would venture
to come and play at hide-and-seek in my hair. I had now
made a good progress in understanding and speaking the
language. The emperor had a mind one day to entertain
me with several of the country shows, wherein they ex-
ceeded all nations I have known, both for dexterity and
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 79
magnilicence. I was diverted with none so much as that
of the rope-dancers, performed upon a slender white thread,
extended about two feet and twelve inches from the ground.
Upon which I shall desire liberty, with the reader's patience,
to enlarge a little. .
This diversion is only practiced by those persons who'
are candidates for great employments and high favor at
court. They are trained in this art from their youth, and
are not always of noble birth, or liberal education. When
a great ofilice is vacant, either by death or disgrace (which
often happens), five or six of those candidates petition the
emperor to entertain his miajesty and the court with a dance
on a rope; and whoever jumps the highest without falling
succeeds in the office. Very often the chief ministers them-
selves are commanded to show their skill, and to convince
the emperor that they have not lost their faculty. Flimnap,
the treasurer, is allowed to cut a caper on the straight rope,
at least an inch higher than any other lord in the w^hole
empire. I have seen him do the summierset"^ several times
together upon a trencher fixed on a rope which is no thicker
than a common packthread in England.f My friend Rel-
* Summerset or Summersault a gambol of a tumbler, in which he
springs up, turns heels over head in the air, and comes down upon
his feet. — Orig.
t Flimnap is intended for Sir Robert Walpoie, from whom Swift
at first had some expectations of promotion; when these were dis-
appointed, the Dean became the bitter enemy of the minister, and his
hatred was aggravated by the zeal with which Walpoie persecuted
Swift's great favorites, Lord Bolingbroke and Dr. Atterbury, Bishop
of Rochester. In an epistle to the poet Gay, the Dean gives the fol-
lowing bitter description of Walpoie.
And first to make my observation right,
I place a statesman full before my sight,
A bloated minister in all his geer.
With shameless visage and perfidious leer;
Two rows of teeth arm each devouring jaw,
And ostrich-like his all digesting maw.
My fancy drags this monster to my view.
To show the world his chief reverse in you.
Of loud unmeaning sounds a rapid flood
Rolls from his m.outh in plenteous streams of mud
With these, the courts and senate-house he plies,
Made up of noise, and impudence, and lies.
And again, alluding to Walpoie' s continuance in office under George
II., and Sir Spencer Compton's refusal to form an administration.
I knew a brazen minister of state.
Who bore for twice ten years the public hate;
In every mouth the question most in vogue
Was, 'When will they turn out this odious rogue?"
A juncture happen'd, in his highest pride;
While he went robbing on, old master died.
80 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
dresal, principal secretary for private affairs, is in my opin-
ion, if I am not partial, the second after the treasurer 4 the
rest of the great of^cers are much upon a par.
These diversions are often attended with fatal accidents,
v/hereof great numbers are on record. I myself have seen
two or three candidates break a limb. But the danger is
much greater when the ministers themselves are com-
manded to show their dexterity! for, by contending to
excel themselves and their fellows, they strain so far that
there is hardly one of them who has not received a fall, and
some of them two or three. I was assured that, a year or
two before my arrival, Flimnap would infallibly have broke
his neck, if one of the king's cushions, that accidentally lay
on the ground, had not weakened the force of his fall.f
There is likewise another diversion, which is only shown
before the emperor and empress, and the first minister,
upon particular occasions. The emperor lays on the table
three fine silken threads of six inches long; one is blue, the
other red, and the third green. These threads are proposed
as prizes for those persons whom the emperor has a mind
to distinguish by a peculiar mark of his favor. The cere-
mony is performed in his majesty's great chamber of state,
where the candidates are to undergo a trial of dexterity,
very different from the former, and such as I have not ob-
served the least resemblance of in any other country of the
new or old world. The emperor holds a stick in his hands,
both ends parallel to the horizon, while the candidates ad-
We thought there now remained no room to doubt;
His work is done, the minister must out.
The court invited more than one or two;
Will you. Sir Spencer? or will you? or you?
But not a soul his office durst accept;
He owed his preservation to his crimes,
The candidates observed his dirty paws,
Nor found it difficult to guess the cause;
But when they smelt such foul corruptions round him
Away they fled, and left him as they found him.
t Mr. Secretary Stanhope was most probably intended by Reldresal;
he supplanted Walpole in 1717, and adopted a more temperate and
conciliatory course towards the Tories and Jacobites, with whom
Swift was connected.
t Walpole was compelled to resign his office in 1717, through the
intrigues of Lord Sunderland and Mr. Secretary Stanhope, who, fol-
lowing the King to Hanover sought and found a favorable opportunity
of supplanting Walpole and Townshend in the royal favor. After an
exclusion of four years, which seemed politically "to have broken his
neek," he was restored by his interest with the Duchess of Kendal,
the favorite mistress of George I.; and this was "the king's cushion
that lav accidentally en the ground and weakened the force of the
fall "
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 81
vancing, one by one, sometimes leap over the stick, some-
times creep under it, backward and forward, several times,
according as the stick is advanced or depressed. Some-
• times the emperor holds one end of the stick, and the first
minister the other; sometimes the minister has it entirely to
himself. Whoever performs his part with the most agility
and holds out the longest in leaping and creeping, is re-
warded with the blue-colored silk; the red is given to the
next, and the green to the third, which they all wear girt
twice round about the middle; and you see few great per-
sons about this court who are not adorned with one of these
girdles.*
The horses of the army, and those of the royal stables,
having been daily led before me, were no longer shy, but
would come up to my very feet without starting. The riders
would leap them over my hand, as I held it on the ground;
and one of the emperors huntsmen, upon a large courser,
took my foot, shoe and all, which was indeed a prodigious
leap. I had the good fortune to divert the emperor one day
after a very extraordinary manner. I desired he would
order several sticks of two feet high, and the thickness of an
ordinary cane, to be brought me; whereupon his majesty
commanded the master of his woods to give directions ac-
cordingly, and the next morning six woodmen arrived with
as many carriages, drawn by eight horses to each. I took
nine of these sticks and fixing them firmly in the ground
in a quadrangular figure, two feet and a half square, I took
four other sticks and tied them parallel at each corner, about
two feet from the ground; then I fastened my handkerchief
to the nine sticks that stood erect, and extended it on all
sides, till it was tight as the top of a drum, and the four
parallel sticks, rising about five inches higher than the hand-
kerchief, served as ledges on each side. When I had fin-
ished my work I desired the emperor to let a troop of the
best horse, twenty-four in number, come and exercise upon
this plane. His majesty approved of the proposal and I
took them up one by one, in my hands, ready mounted and
* The revival of the Order of the Bath by Sir Robert Walpole, in
1726, as a cheap means of gratifying- political adherents, was fair game
to a satirist like Swift. Walpole was distinguished not only by tiie
Order of the Bath, but by that of the Garter, which was conferred
on him in 1726.— Cox's Life of Walpole.
It is scarcely necessary to mention, that blue is the cognizance of
the Garter, red of the Bath, and green of the Thistle.
6 'inrm^ d^ MAie\VAl'V\^^>
82 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
armed, with the proper officers to exercise thera. As soon
as they got into order they divided into two parties, per-
formed mock skirmishes, discharged blunt arrows, drew
their swords, fled and pursued, attacked and retired, and
in short, discovered the best mihtary discipHne I ever
beheld. The parallel sticks secured them and their horses
from falling over the stage; and the emperor was so much
delighted that he ordered this entertainment to be repeated
several days, and once was pleased to be lifted up and give
the word of command; and, with great difficulty, persuaded
even the empress herself to let me hold her in her close
chair within two yards of the stage, when she was able to
take a full view of the whole performance. It was my
good fortune that no ill-accident happened in these enter-
tainments; only once a fiery horse, that belonged to one of
the captains, pawing with his hoof, struck a hole in my
handkerchief, and, his foot slipping, he overthrew his rider
and himself; but I immediately relieved them both, and,
covering the hole with one hand, I set down the troop with
the other, in the same manner as I took them up. The
horse that fell was strained in the left shoulder, but the rider
got no hurt, and I repaired my handkerchief as well as I
could; however, I would not trust to the strength of it any
more in such dangerous enterprises.
About two or three days before I was set at liberty, as I
was entertaining the court with this kind of feats, there
arrived an express to inform his majesty that some of his
subjects, riding near the place where I was first taken up,
had seen a great black substance lying on the ground, very
oddly shaped, extending its edges round, as wide as his
majesty's bed-chamber, and rising up in the middle as high
as a man; that it was no living creature, as they at first
apprehended, for it lay on the grass without motion, and
some of them had walked round it several times; that, by
mounting upon each other's shoulders, they had got to the
top, which was flat and even, and stamping upon it, they
found that it was hollow^ within ; that they humbly conceived
it might be something belonging to the man-mountain ; and
if his majesty pleased they would undertake to bring it with
only five horses. I presently knew what they meant, and
was glad at heart to receive this Intelligence. It seems,
upon my first reaching the shore after our shipwreck, I was
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 83
in such confusion that before I came to the place where
I went to sleep, my hat, which I had fastened with a string
to my head while I was rowing, and had stuck on all the
time I was swimming, fell off after I came to land; the
string, as I conjecture, breaking by some accident, which
I had never observed, but thought my hat had been lost
at sea. I entreated his imperial majesty to give orders it
might be brought to me as soon as possible, describing
to him the use and the nature of it; and the next day the
wagoners arrived with it, but not in a very good condition;
they had bored two holes in the brim, within an inch and
a half of the edge, and fastened two hooks in the holes, these
hooks were tied by a long cord to the harness, and thus my
hat was dragged along for above half an English mile, but
the ground in that country being extremely smooth and
level, it received less damage than I expected.
Two days after this adventure the emperor, having
ordered that part of his army which quarters in and about
his metropolis, to be in readiness, took a fancy of divert-
ing himself in a singular manner. He desired that I would
stand like a colossus, with my legs as far asunder as I con-
veniently could. He then commanded his general (who
was an old experienced leader, and a great patron of mine)
to draw up the troops in close order, and march them under
me; the foot by twenty-four abreast, and the horse by
sixteen, with drums beating, colors flying, and pikes ad-
vanced. This body consisted of three thousand foot, and
a thousand horse. His majesty gave orders, upon pain of
death, tlfat every soldier in his march should observe the
strictest decency with regard to my person ; which, however,
could not prevent some of the younger ofificers from turn-
ing up their eyes, as they passed under me; and to confess
the truth, my breeches were at that time in so ill a condi-
tion that they afforded some opportunities for laughter and
admiration.*
I had sent so many mem.orials and petitions for my liberty
that his majesty at length mentioned the matter, first in the
cabinet and then in a full council, where it was opposed by
* The author probably intends to ridicule the partiality of George I.
for reviews and military pageantry. Hogarth's celebrated picture of
the "March of the Guards to Finchley" belongs to a much later
period, but its satiric touches would probably have been as applicable
in the reign of the first as of the second George,
84 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
none except Skyresh Bolgolam, who was pleased, without
any provocation, to be my mortal enemy.f But it was car-
ried against him by the whole board and confirmed by the
emperor. That minister was galbet or admiral of the
realm, very much in his master's confidence, and a person
well versed in affairs, but of a morose and sour complexion.
However, he was at length persuaded to comply, but pre-
vailed that the articles and conditions upon which I should
be set free, and to which I must swear, should be drawn up
by himself. These articles were brought to me by Skyresh
Bolgolam in person, attended by two under-secretaries and
several persons of distinction. After they were read I was
demanded to swear to the performance of them, first, in
the manner of my own country, and afterwards in the
methods prescribed by their laws, which was, to hold my /
right foot in my left hand, and to place the middle finger \
of my right hand on the crown of my head, and my thumb
on the tip of my right ear. But because the reader may be
curious to have some idea of the style and manner of expres-
sion peculiar to that people, as well as to know the articles
upon which I recovered my liberty, I have made a transla-
tion of the whole instrument, word for word, as near as I
was able, which I here offer to the pubHc:"^
Golbasto Momarem Evlane Gurdilo Shefin Mully Ully
Gue, most mighty emperor of Lilliput, delight and terror
of the universe, whose dominions extend five thousand
t Skyresh Bolgolam is most probably the Duke of Argyle, who was
greatly incensed at Swift's attacks on the Scottish nation, in his
"Public Spirit of the Whigs." In an unfinished poem on himself, the
Dean alludes to the proclamation offering three hundred pounds for
the discovery of the author of this pamphlet, which was issued at
the demand rather than the request of the Duke of Argyle, he con-
ducted all the Scotch lords in a body to demand an audience of the
QueeHj and seek reparation.
The Queen incensed, his services forgot.
Leaves him a victim to the vengeful Scot;
Now through the realm a proclamation spread.
To fix a price on his devoted head,
While, innocent, he scorns ignoble flight;
His watchful friends preserve him by a sleight.
See also the character given of Argyle in Swift's notes on Macky—
Appendix to Lilliput, I.
* In the description of Lilliput, in the follov*^ing articles, Gulliver
seems to have had England more immediately in view. In his descrip-
tion of Blefuscu, he seems to intend the people and kingdom of
France.— Orrery.
It is perhaps in order to qualify this parallel that Swift has changed
the relative description of the two countries, and made Lilliput the
continent, Blefuscu the island.— Sir Walter Scott.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 85
blustrogs (about twelve miles in circumference) to the ex-
tremities of the globe; monarch of all monarchs, taller than
the sons of men; whose feet press down to the center, and
whose head strikes against the sun; at whose nod the
princes of the earth shake their knees; pleasant as the
spring, comfortable as the summer, fruitful as autumn,
dreadful as winter. His most sublime Majesty proposes to
the Man-mountain, lately arrived at our celestial dominions,
the following articles, which, by a solemn oath, he shall be
obHged to perform:
L The Man-mountain shall not depart from our domin-
ions without our license under our great seal.
n. He shall not presume to come into our metropolis
without our express order; at which time, the inhabitants
shall have two hours' warning to keep within doors.
HI. The said Man-mountain shall confine his walks to
our principal highroads, and not offer to walk or lie down
in a meadow or field of corn.
IV. As he walks the said roads, he shall take the utmost
care not to trample upon the bodies of any of our loving
subjects, their horses or carriages, nor take any of our
subjects into his hands without their own consent.
V. If an express requires extraordinary dispatch, the
Man-mountain shall be obliged to carry, in his pocket, the
messenger and horse a six day's journey once in every
moon, and return the said messenger back (if so required)
safe to our imperial presence.
VI. He shall be our ally against our enemies in the island
of Blefuscu, and do his utmost to destroy their fleet, which
is now preparing to invade us.
VII. That the said Man-mountain shall, at his time of
leisure, be aiding and assisting to our workmen, in helping
to raise certain great stones, towards covering the wall of
the principal park, and other royal buildings.
86 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
VIIL That the said Man-mountain shall in two moons*
time, deliver in an exact survey of the circumference of our
dominions, by a computation of his own paces round the
coast.
Lastly, That, upon his solemn oath to observe the above
articles, the said Man-mountain shall have a daily allowance
of meat and drink sufficient for the support of 1724 of our
subjects, with free access to our royal person, and other
marks of our favor. Given at our palace at Belfaborac, the
twelfth day of the ninety-first moon of our reign.
I swore and subscribed to these articles with great cheer-
fulness and content, although some of them were not so
honorable as I could have wished; which proceeded wholly
from the malice of Skyresh Bolgolam, the high-admiral;
whereupon my chains were immediately unlocked, and I
was at full liberty. The emperor. himself, in person, did me
the honor to be by at the whole ceremony. I made my ac-
knowledgments by prostrating myself at his majesty's feet;
but he commanded me to rise ; and after many gracious ex-
pressions, which to avoid the censure of vanity I shall not
repeat, he added, ''that he hoped I should prove a useful
servant, and well deserve all the favors he had already con-
ferred upon me, or might do for the future."
The reader may please to observe, that in the last article
of the recovery of my liberty, the emperor stipulates to allow
me a quantity of meat and drink sufificient for the support
of 1724 Lilliputians. Some time after, asking a friend at
court how they cam.e to fix on that determined number, he
told me that his majesty's mathematicians, having taken the
height of my body by the help of a quadrant, and finding it
exceeded theirs in the proportion of twelve to one, they con-
cluded from the similarity of their bodies, that mine must
contain at least 1724 of theirs, and consequently would re-
quire as much food as v/as necessary to support that number*
/ of Lilliputians. By which the reader may conceive an idea
^ of the ingenuity of that people, as well as the prudent and
exact economy of so great .a prince.
■J
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 87
CHAPTER VI.
MTLDENDO, THE METROPOLIS OF LILLIPUT, DESCRIBED,
TOGETHER WITH THE EMPEROR'S PALACE— A CONVER-
SATION BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND A PRINCIPAL
SECRETARY, CONCERNING THE AFFAIRS OF THAT EM-
PIRE—THE AUTHOR OFFERS TO SERVE THE EMPEROR IN
HIS WARS.
Liberty having been granted me, my first request was for
permission to see Mildendo, the metropoHs; which the em-
peror readily allowed me, but with a special charge to do no
hurt either to the inhabitants or their houses. The people
had notice, by proclamation, of my design to visit the town.
The wall, which compassed it, is two feet and a half high,
and at least eleven inches broad, so that a coach and horses
maybe driven safely round it; and it is flanked with strong
towers at ten feet distance. I stepped over the great western
gate, and passed very gently and sidelong through the two
principal streets only in my short waistcoat, for fear of dam-
aging the roofs and eaves of the houses with the skirts of
my coat. I walked with utmost circumspection, to avoid
treading on any stragglers who might remain in the streets ;
although the orders were very strict, that all people should
keep in their houses at their own peril. The Garret windows
and tops of houses were so crowded with spectators, that I
thought in all my travels I had not seen a more populous
place. The city is an exact square, each side of the wall
being five hundred feet long. The two great streets, which
run across and divide it into four quarters, are five feet wide.
The lanes and alleys, which I could not enter, but only
viewed them as I passed, are from twelve to eighteen inches.
The town is capable of holding five hundred thousand souls :
The houses are from three to five stories; the shops and
markets well provided.
The emperor's palace is in the center of the city, where
the two great streets meet. It is enclosed by a wall of two
feet high, and twenty feet distance from the building. I
85 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
had his majesty's permission to step over the wall; and
the space being so wide between that and the palace, I could
easily view it on every side. The outward court is a square
of forty feet, and includes two other courts; in the inmost
are the royal apartments, which I was very desirous to see,
but found it extremely difficult; for the great gates, from
one square into another, were but eighteen inches wide.
Now the buildings of the outer court were at least five feet
high, and it was impossible for me to stride over them with-
out infinite damage to the pile, though the walls were strong-
ly built of hewn stone, and four inches thick. At the same
time the emperor had a great desire that I should see the
magnificence of his palace; but this I was not able to do till
three days after, which I spent in cutting down with my
knife some of the largest trees in the royal park, about a
hundred yards distance from the city. Of these trees I
made two stools, each about three feet high, and strong
enough to bear my weight. The people having received
notice a second time, I went again through the city to the
palace with my two stools in my hands. When I came to
the side of the outer court, I stood upon one stool and took
the other in my hand ; this I lifted over the roof, and gently
set it down on the space between the first and second court,
which was eight feet wide. I then stepped over the building
very conveniently from one stool to the other, and drew
up the first one after me with a hooked stick. By this con-
trivance I got into the inmost court ; and, lying down upon
my side, I applied my face to the windows of the middle
stories, which were left open on purpose, and discovered
the most splendid apartments that can be imagined.
There I saw the empress and the young princess, in their
several lodgings, with their chief attendants about them.
Her imperial majesty was pleased to smile very graciously
upon me, and gave me out of the window her hand to
kiss.*
But I shall not anticipate the reader with further descrip-
tions of this kind, because I reserve them for a greater work,
which is now almost ready for the press ; containing a gen-
eral description of this empire, from its first erection, through
a long series of princes; with a particular account of their
* The character of the empress is manifestly taken from that of
Queen Anne— good-natured, but easily duped.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 89
wars and politics, laws, learning and religion, their plants
and animals; their peculiar manners and customs, with other
matters very curious and useful ; my chief design at present
being only to relate such events and transactions as hap-
pened to the public or to myself during a residence of about
nine months in that empire.
One morning, about a fortnight after I had obtained my
liberty, Reldresal, principal secretary (as they style him) for
private affairs, came to my house attended only by one ser-
vant. He ordered his coach to wait at a distance, and de-
sired I would give him an hour's audience; which I readily
consented to, on account of his quality and personal merits,
as well as of the many good ofifices he had done me during
my solicitations at court. I offered to lie down that he might
the more conveniently reach my ear; but he chose rather to
let me hold him in my hand during our conversation. He
began with compliments on my liberty; said "he might pre-
tend to some merit in it;" but nr^ever added, "that if it
had not been for the present situation of things at court,
perhaps I might not have obtained it so soon. For," said he,
"as flourishing a condition as we may appear to be in to
foreigners, we labor under tw^o mighty evils; a violent fac-
tion at home, and the danger of an invasion, by a most potent
enemy, from abroad. As to the first, you are to understand,
that for above seventy moons past there have been two
struggling parties in this empire, under the names of Tra-
mecksan and Slamecksan^ f from the high and low heels of
their shoes, by which they distinguish themselves. It is al-
leged, indeed, that the high-heels are most agreeable to our
ancient constitution; but, however this may be, his majesty
has determined to make us only of low heels in the adminis-
tration of the government, and all officers in the gift of the
crown, as you cannot but observe : and particularly that his
majesty's imperial heels are lower at least by a drurr than
any of his court {drurr \s a measure about the fourteenth
part of an inch). The animosities between these two parties
run so high, that they will neither eat nor drink nor talk
with each other. We compute the Tramecksan, or high
t High-church and Low-church, or Whig and Tory. As every ac-
cidental difference between man and man in person and circumstances
is by this work rendered extremely contemptible, so speculative
differences are shown to be equally ridiculous, when the zeal with
which they are opposed and defended too much exceeds their im-
portance.—Hawkesworth,
9e GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
heels, to exceed us in number; but the power is wholly on
our side. We apprehend his imperial highness, the heir to
the crown, to have some tendency towards the high heels;
at least, we can plainly discover that one of his heels is
higher than the other, which gives him a hobble in his gait/'''
Now, in the midst of these intestine disquiets, we are threat-
ened with an invasion from the island of Blefuscu, which is
the other great empire of the universe, almost as large and
powerful as this of his majesty. For as to what we have
heard you afHrm, that there are other kingdoms and states
in the world inhabitated by human creatures as large as
yourself, our philosophers are in much doubt, and would
rather conjecture that you dropped from the moon, or one
of the stars ; because it is certain that a hundred mortals of
your bulk would in a short time destroy all the fruits and
cattle of his majesty's domains; besides, our histories of
six thousand moons make no mention of any other regions
than the two great empires of Lilliput and Blefuscu. Which
two mighty powers have, as I was going to tell you, been
engaged in a most obstinate war for six-and-thirty moons
past. It began upon the following occasion: it is allowed
on all hands, that the primitive way of breaking eggs, be-
fore we eat them, was upon the larger end; but his present
majesty's grandfather, while he was a boy, going to eat an
egg, and breaking it according to the ancient practice, hap-
pened to cut one of his fingers; whereupon the emperor,
his father, published an edict, commanding all his subjects,
upon great penalties, to break the smaller end of the eggs.f
The people so highly resented this \a.w, that our histories tell
us, there have been six rebellions raised on that account:
wherein one emperor lost his life,J and another his crown. §
* Georg-e, Prince of Wales, afterwards Georg-e II., was at this time
vehement in his hostility to his father's ministers: like all heirs-
apporent since the accession of the house of Brunswick, he chose his
political friends among- the parties most opposed to the court, calling
pround him both the discontented Whigs and the displaced Tories.
We learn from a letter of Mrs. Howard, that the Prince was greatly
aroused at this description of his hobbling between the two political
parties. On his accession to the throne, which took place shortly
after the publication of Gulliver, he was easily induced by Oueen
Caroline to continue S^'r Robert Vv''alpole at the head of affairs: an
unexpected chang-e, which greatly disappointed Swift and his friends.
t The controversy respecting the sacraments between the Romish
and Anglican churches is humorously portrayed in the dispute about
the proper end of breaking an egg. The emperor who cut liis fingers
is manifestly Henry VII., who was so sadly perplexed about the
sacrament of marriage and the difficulty of divorce.
.t Charles I, § James II.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 91
These civil commotions were constantly fomented by the
monarchs of Blefuscu; and when they were quelled, the ex-
iles always fled for refuge to that empire. It is computed
that eleven thousand persons have at several times suffered
death, rather than submit to break their eggs at the smaller
end. Many hundred large volumes have been published
upon this controversy; but the books of the Big-endians
have been long forbidden, and the whole party rendered in-
capable by the law of holding employments. During the
course of these troubles, the emperors of Blefuscu did fre-
quently expostulate by their embassadors, accusing us of
making a schism in religion by offending against a funda-
mental doctrine of our great prophet Lustrog, in the fifty-
fourth chapter of the Blundercral, which is their Alcoran.
This, however, is thought to be mere strain upon the text;
for the words are these iCthat all true believers break their
eggs at the convenient end ;^ and which is the convenient
end seems, in my humble opinion, to be left to every man's
conscience, or at least iii the power of the chief magistrate
to determine.^''
"Now, the Big-endian exiles have found so much credit in
the emperor of Blefuscu's court, and so much private assist-
ance and encouragement from their party here at home,
that a bloody war had been carried on between the two em-
, pires for six-and-thirty moons, with variovis success; dur-
^, ing which time we have lost forty capital ships, and a much
greater number of smaller vessels, together with thirty thou-
sand of our best seamen and soldiers; and the damage re-
ceived by the enemy is reckoned to be somew^iat greater
than ours.f However, they have now equipped a numerous
* Swift appears to intimate that the great point at issue between
the Romish and English churches, the sacrament of the Eucharist,
has been decided too positively by the theologians on both sides; he
intimates that the question of transubstantiation should be left open
to the faith of the receiver, in accordance wih the memorable lines
of Queen Elizabeth.
Christ was the word that spake it,
He took the bread, and brake it;
And what that word did make it,
That I believe and take it.
t This description of the Big-endian war is designed for the wars
of the revolution, which were terminated by the peace of Utrecht,
and the enumeration of the losses and slaughter occasioned by the
war is Intended to vindicate Harley and Bolingbroke for bringing it
to a conclusion.
92 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
fleet, and are just preparing to make a descent upon us ; and
his imperial majesty, placing great confidence in your valor
and strength, has commanded me to lay this accoimt of his
affairs before you."
I desired the secretary to present my humble duty to the
emperor; and to let him know, "that I thought it would not
become me, who was a foreigner, to interfere with parties;
but I was ready, with the hazard of my life, to defend his
person and state against all invaders.J
CHAPTER V.
THE AUTHOR, BY AN EXTRAORDINARY STRATAGEM, PRE-
VENTS AN INVASION— A HIGH TITLE OF HONOR IS CON-
FERRED UPON HIM— AMBASSADORS ARRIVE FROM THE
EMPEROR OP BLEFUSCU, AND SUE FOR PEACE — THi:.
EMPRESS'S APARTMENTS ON FIRE BY ACCIDENT; THE
AUTHOR INSTRUMENTAL IN SAVING THE REST OF THE
PALACE.
Lilliput is part of the continent, but the empire of Blefuscu
is an island situated to the north-east of the mainland, from
which it is parted only by a channel of eight hundred yards
wide. I had not yet seen it, and upon this notice of an in-
tended invasion, I avoided appearing on that side of the
coast, for fear of being discovered by some of the enemy's
ships, who had received no intelligence of me; all intercourse
between the two empires having been strictly forbidden dur-
ing the war, upon pain of death, and an embargo laid by
our emperor upon all vessels whatsoever. I communicated
to his majesty a project I had formed of seizing the enemy's
whole fleet; which, as our scouts assured us, lay at ancher
in the harbor, ready to sail with the first fair wind. I con-
sulted the most experienced seamen upon the depth of
the channel, which they had often plumbed; who told me,
that in the middle, at high water, it was seventy glumgluffs
deep, which is about six feet of European measure; and the
t Gulliver, without examining- the subject of dispute, readily en-
gsiged to defend the emperor against invasion, because he knew that
no such monarch had a rig-ht to invade the dominion of another, for
the propagation of truth.— Hawkesworth.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 93
rest of it fifty glumgluffs at most. I walked toward the north-
east coast, over against Blefuscu; where, lying down behind
a hillock, I took out my small perspective glass, and viewed
the enemy's fleet at anchor, consisting of about fifty men-of-
war, and a great number of transports; I then came back
to my house, and gave orders (for which I had a warrant)
for a great quantity of the strongest cable and bars of iron.
The cable was about as thick as packthread, and the bars
of the length and size of a knitting-needle. I trebled the
cable to make it stronger, and for the same reason, I twisted
three of the iron bars together, bending the extremities into
a hook. Having thus fixed fifty hooks to as many cables,
I went back to the northeast coast, and putting off my coat,
shoes and stockings, walked into the sea in my leathern
jerkin, about half an hour before high water. I waded with
what haste I could, and swam in the middle about thirty
yards, till I felt ground. I arrived at the fleet in less than
half an hour. The enemy were so frighted when they saw
me, that they leaped out of their ships, and swam to shore,
where there could not be fewer than thirty thousand souls:
I then took my tackling, and fastening a hook to the hole
at the prow of each, I tied all the cords at the end. While
I was thus employed, the enemy discharged several thousand
arrows, many of which stuck in my hands and face; and be-
sides the excessive smart, gave me much disturbance in my
work. My greatest apprehension was for mine eyes, wliich
I should have infallibly lost, if I had not suddenly thought of
an expedient. I kept, among other little necessaries^ a pair
of spectacles in a private pocket, which, as I observed before,
had escaped the emperor's searches. These I took out and
fastened as strongly as I could upon my nose, and thus
armed, went on boldly with my work, in spite of the enemy's
arrows, many of which struck against the glasses of my
spectacles, but without any other effect, farther than a little
to discompose them. I had now fastened all the hooks, and
taking the knot in my hand, began to pull; but not a ship
would stir, for they were all too fast held by their anchors,
so that the boldest part of my enterprise remained. I there-
fore let go the cord, and leaving the hooks fixed to the
ships, I resolutely cut with my knife the cables that fastened
the anchors, receiving about two hundred arrows in my face
and hands; then I took up the knotted end of the cables,
94 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
to which my hooks were tied, and with great ease drew
fifty of the enemy's largest men-of-war after me.
The Blefuscudians, who had not the least imagination of
what I intended, were at first confounded with astonishment.
They had seen me cut the cables, and thought my design was
only to let the ships run adrift, or fall foul on each other;
but when they perceived the whole fleet moving in order,
and saw me pulling at the end, they set up such a scream of
grief and despair as is almost impossible to describe or con-
ceive.* When I had got out of danger, I stopped awhile to
pick out the arrows that stuck in my hands and face; and
rubbed on some of the same ointment that was given me at
my first arrival, as I have formerly mentioned. I then took
off my spectacles, and waiting about an hour till the tide
was a little fallen, I waded through the middle with my
cargo, and arrived safe at the royal port of Lilliput
The emperor and his whole court stood on the shore, ex-
pecting the issue of this great adventure. They saw the
ships move forward in a large half-moon, but could not
discern me, who was up to my breast in water. When I ad-
vanced to the middle of the channel, they were yet more in
pain, because I was under water to my neck. The emperor
concluded me to be drowned, and that the enemy's fleet
was approaching in a hostile manner: but he was soon
eased of his fears ; for the channel growing shallower every
step I made, I came in a short time within hearing, and hold-
ing up the end of the cable, by which the fleet was fastened,
I cried in a loud voice, "Long live the most puissant king of
Lilliput!" This great prince received me at my landing with
all possible encomiums, and created me a nardac upon the
spot, which is the highest title of honor among them.f
His majesty desired I would take some other opportunity
of bringing all the rest of the enemy's ships into his ports.
* The capture of the Blefuscudian fleet is mtended to represent
the efforts made by the Tory ministry to secure the naval supremacy
of England in the negotiations at Utrecht, and particularly their suc-
cess in procuring the demolition of Dunkirk, and the cession of several
French colonies.
t The treaty at Utrecht was at first very popular with the Enerlish
people; and it was regarded by Queen Anne as a blessing to England
and to Europe. The promised demolition of Dunkirk, and its surrender
as a guarantee to General Hill were regarded not only by the court,
but by the nation, as an advantage scarcely inferior to what the
capture of the Blefuscudian fleet would have been to the emperor
of Lilliput. Swift wrote a song on the event, which was very popular.
The following were the concluding stanzas:
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 95
And so unmeasurable is the ambition of princes, that he
seemed to think of nothing less than reducing the whole em-
pire of Blefuscu into a province, and governing it by a vice-
roy; of destroying the Big-endian exiles, and compelling
that people to break the smaller end of their eggs, by which
he would remain the sole monarch of the whole world. But
I endeavored to divert him from this design, by many argu-
ments dravv^n from the topics of policy as well as justice: and
I plainly protested, ''tJiaf T wnplr] pf^r^r Vtf an iimtr^impiit of
hrinp-ino- a ire-f^ pr»r1 Kro^r^ ppnpip jrifr^ c;1nvpry ;'# and when the
matter v/as debated in council, the wisest part of the ministry
was of my opinion.*
This open, bold declaration of mine was so opposite to the
schemes and politics of his imperial majesty, that he could
neY.er forgive me. He mentioned it in a very artful manner
at council, v/here I was told that some of the wisest ap-
peared at least, by their silence, to be of my opinion; but
others, who were my secret enemies, could not forbear some
expressions which by a side wind reflected on" me; and from
this time began an intrigue between his maje^tv. and a junto
of ministers, maliciously bent against me, which broke out
Our merchant ships may cut the line.
And not be snapped by privateers;
And commoners who love good wine.
Will drink it now as well as peers;
Landed men shall have their rent.
Yet our stocks rise cent, per cent.;
The Dutch from hence shall no more millions drain;
We'll bring on us no more debts.
Nor with bankrupts fill gazettes;
And the Queen shall enjoy her own again.
The towns we took ne'er did us good;
Wha,t signified the French to beat?
We spent our money and our blood
To make the Dutchmen proud and great;
But the lord of Oxford swears
Dunkirk never shall be theirs;
The Dutch-hearted Whigs may rail and complain;
But true Englishmen may fill
A health to General Hill,
For the Queen now enjoys her own again.
* The conquest of France was seriously believed feasible by many
friends of the Duke of Marlborough; but when the siege of such a
petty fortress as Bouchain occupied the greater part of one campaign,
the best English statesman saw there was little chance of such a
consummation. Mesnager, if the memoirs published in his name be
not a forgery, declares that the Tories used to annoy the Whigs by
asking, "How long will it take to conquer Prance at the rate of a
Bouchain per summer?" In the debates on the treaty of Utrecht (A.
D. 1713), the advocates for peace had decidedly the best of the argu-
ment, so that Gulliver is justified In saying that "the wisest were of
his opinion."
96 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
in less than two months, and had like to have ended in nr
utter destructiory Ut so little weight are the greatest ser-
vices to prmcesTwhen put into the balance with a refusal to
gratify their passions.
About lhrer"""Wt5?Ks after this exploit there arrived a sol-
emn embassy from Blefuscu, with humble offers of a peace :
which was soon concluded, upon conditions very disadvan-
tageous to our emperor, wherewith I shall not trouble the
reader. There were six ambassadors with a train of about
five hundred persons; and their entry was very magnificent,
suitable to the grandeur of their master and the importance
of their business. When their treaty was finished, wherein
I did them several good offices by the credit I now had, or
at least appeared to have, at' court, their excellencies, who
were privately told how much I had been their friend, made
me a visit in form. They began with many compliments
upon my valor and generosity, invited me to that kingdom
in the emperor their master's name, and desired me to show
them some proofs of my prodigious strength, of which they
had heard so many wonders; wherein I readily obliged them,
but shall not trouble the reader with the particulars.
When I had for some time entertained their excellencies,
to their infinite satisfaction and surprise, I desired they
would do me the honor to present my most humble respects
to the emperor their master, the renown of whose virtues
had so justly filled the whole world with admiration, and
whose royal person I resolved to attend before I returned
to my own country. Accordingly, the next time I had the
honor to see our emperor, I desired his general license to
wait on the Blefuscudian monarch, which he was pleased to
oj^jit mej_as I could perreive. in g^j^^ry cold manner: but
could not guess the reason, till I had a whisper from a certain
person, "that Flimnap and Bolgolam had represented my
intercourse with those ambassadors as a mark of djsaffec-
JtiflJl.;" from which I am sure my heart was wholly free. And
this was the fij-^^ time T heo-an \n (j-rtnrf^iyp Qnm^4mpp/p^
idea' of courts ^qministers.*
* The charge raised against Gulliver for his innocent intercourse
with the ambassadors from Blefuscu alludes to the chief accusation
broug-ht ag'ainst Boling-broke (A. D. 1715), which was his treasonable
intimacy with the French ministers during- the negotiations of the
peace of Utrecht. Bolingbroke's journey to France to negotiate a
separate peace, and his clandestine intercourse with the agents of
Louis, were, however, of such a suspicious nature, that he aid not
think it prudent to wait for his trial.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 97
It is to be observed, that these ambassadors spoke to me
by an interpreter, the languages of both empires differing
as much from each other as any two in Europe, and each
nation priding itself upon the antiquity, beauty, and energy
of their own tongue, with an avowed contempt for that of
their neighbor: yet our emperor, standing upon the advan-
tage he had got by the seizure of their fleet, obliged them to
deliver their credentials, and make their speech, in the Lilli-
putian tongue. And it must be confessed, that from the
great intercourse of trade and commerce between both
realms, from the continual reception of exiles which is
mutual among them, and from the custom, in each empire,
to send their young nobility and richer gentry to the other,
in order to polish themselves by seeing the world, and un-
derstanding men and manners; there are a few persons of
distinction, or merchants, or seamen, who dwell in the mari-
time parts, but what can hold conversation in both tongues ;
as I found some weeks after, when I w^ent to pay my respects
to the emperor of Blefuscu, which, in the midst of great mis-
fortunes through the malice of my enemies, proved a very
happy adventure to me, as I shall relate in its proper place.
The reader may remember, that when I signed those arti-
cles upon which I recovered my liberty, they were some
which I disliked, upon account of their being too servile;
neither could anything but an extreme necessity have forced
me to submit. But being now a nardac of the highest rank
in that empire, such offices w^ere looked upon as below my
dignity, and the emperor (to do him justice) never once men-
tioned them to me. However, it was not long before I had
an opportunity of doing his majesty, at least as I then
thought, a most signal service. I was alarmed at midnight
with the cries of many hundred people at my door; by
which, being suddenly awakened, I was in some kind of
terror. I heard the word burglum repeated incessantly : sev-
eral of the emperor's court, making their way through the
crowd, entreated me to come immediately to the palace,
where her imperial majesty's apartment was on fire, by the
carelessness of a maid of honor, who fell asleep while she
was reading a romance. I got up in an instant; and orders
being given to clear the way before me, and it being like-
wise a moonshine night, I made a shift to get to the palace
without trampHng on any of the people. I found they had
7
98 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
already applied ladders to the walls of the apartment, and
were well provided with buckets, but the water was at some
distance. These buckets were about the size of a large
thimble, and the poor people supplied me with them as fast
as they could; but the flame was so violent that they did
little good. I might easily have stifled it with my coat, which
I. unfortunately left behind me for haste, and came away
only in my leather jerkin. The case seemed wholly desper-
ate and deplorable ; and this magnificent palace would have
infallibly been burnt down to the ground, if, by a presence
of mind unusual to me, I had not suddenly thought of an
expedient. I had the evening before drunk plentifully of a
m.ost delicious wine called glimigrim (the Blefuscudians
called it flunec), but ours is esteemed the better sort, which
is very diuretic. By the luckiest chance in the world, I had
not discharged myself of any part of it. The heat I had con-
tracted by coming very near the flames, by laboring to
J quench them, made the wine begin to operate by urine,
■ which I voided in such a quantity, and applied so well to
/ the proper places, that in three minutes the fire was wholly
I extinguished, and the rest of that noble pile, which had cost
^^so many ages in erecting, preserved from destruction.
It was^now daylight, and I returned to my house without
waiting to congratulate with the emperor; because, although
I had done a very eminent piece of service, yet I could not
tell how his majesty might resent the manner by which I had
performed it: for, by the fundamental laws of the realm, it
is capital for any person, of what quality soever to make
water within the precincts of the palace. But I was little
comforted by a message from his majesty, "that he would
give orders to the grand judiciary for passing my pardon in
form ;" which, however, I could not obtain ; and I was pri-
vately assured, that the empress, conceiving the greatest
abhorrence of what I had done, removed to the most distant
side of the court, firmly resolved that those buildings should
never be repaired for her use; and, in the presence of her
chief confidants, could not forbear vowing revenge.*
* Swift, in description of the empress's hostility on account of his
indecency, and her forgetfulness of the essential service which he had
rendered alludes to the prejudice of Oueen Anne, who was more in-
dignant at the immorality of his writings than grateful for his sup-
port of her favorite ministry. The Queen had actually nominated
Swift to an English bishopric, when Dr. Sharp, Archbishop of York,
went to the Queen, showed her the "Tale of a Tub," and declared
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
CHAPTER Vl.t
OP THE INHABITANTS OP LILLIPUT; THEIR LEARNING,
LAWS, AND CUSTOMS; THE MANNER OP EDUCATING
THEIR CHILDREN— THE AUTHOR'S WAY OP LIVING IN
THAT COUNTRY— HIS VINDICATION OP A GREAT LADY.
Quarrels and intrigues are so common in courts, that I
need not dwell on the calumnies devised by the envious to
prejudice the mind of the empress still further against me,
and I shall therefore turn to a dififerent subject. Although
I intend to leave the description of this empire to a particular
treatise, yet, in the meantime, I am content to gratify the
curious reader with some general ideas. As the common
size of the natives is somewhat under six inches high, so
there is an exact proportion in all other animals, as well as
plants and trees; for instance, the tallest horses and oxen
are between four and five inches in height, the sheep an inch
and a half, more or less; their geese about the bigness of a
sparrow, and so the several gradations downwards, till you
come to the smallest, which to my sight were almost invis-
ible ; but nature had adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to
that the author of such a work could not be made a prelate without
bringing- disgrace on the church. Hence Swift, in the lines on himself
complains that he is
By an old pursued,
A crazy prelate and a royal prude.
And again
York is from Lambeth sent to show the Queen,
A dangerous treatise writ against the spleen,
Which, by the style, the matter, and the drift,
'Tis thought could be the work of none but Swift.
The Archbishop was eagerly seconded by the Duchess of Somerset,
whom Swift had bitterly lampooned. The Queen could never after-
wards be persuaded to revoke her determination, and Swift thence-
forth always spoke of her in terms of contempt.
t In a German critique on Gulliver's Travels, this chapter has
been rather severely censured, because the author has neglected to
give any particulars of the Lilliputian climate and its ettects; a source
from which the renewer avers, that many circumstances might have
been deduced which would give an additional plausibility to the
narrative. It must be observed, however, in Swift's justification, that
this neglect of observing climate and its peculiarities is common w
all the early narratives of voyagers, and also that for the purposes
of his satire it was necessary to identify the Lilliputian climate with
that of England.
u-^'
100 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
all objects proper for their view; the|^ see With great exact-
ji^SS, but at no jxeat distajice. And W-s^tow the sharpness
of their sight towards objects that are near, I have been
much pleased with a cook pulling a lark, which is not so
large as a common fly; and a young girl threading an in-
visible needle with invisible silk.
Their tallest trees are about seven feet high: I mean some
of those in the great royal park, the tops whereof I could
but just reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables
are in the same proportion ; but this I leave to the reader's
imagination.
I shall say but little at present of their learning, which for
m.any ages has flourished in all its branches among them;
but their manner of writing is very peculiar, being neither
from the left to the right, like the Europeans; nor, from
the right to the left, like the Arabians; nor from up to
down, like the Chinese; but aslant, from one corner of the
paper to the other, like ladies in England.
/'^They bury their dead with their heads directly downward,
( because they hold an opinion that in eleven thousand moons
\they are all to rise again; in which period the earth (which
/ they conceive to be flat) will turn upside down, and by this
\ means they shall, at their resjirrectkm^ be foundr^ady-sland-
] ingu©a-4lieir_jeet. The learned among them confess the
j absurdity of this doctrine ; but the practice still continues, in
cornpUance to the vulgar.
There are some laws and customs in this empire very
peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to those
of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say a little
in their justification. It is only to be wished they were as
well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to inform-
ers_^All crimes against the state are punished here with the
^utmost severity; but if the person accused makes his inno-
cence plainly to appear upon his trial; the accuser is imme-
diately put to an ignominious death: and out of his goods
or lands the innocent person is quadruply recompensed for
tlie loss of hisjime, for the danger he underwent, for the
harclship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he has
been at in making his defense; or, if that fund be deficient,
it is largely supplied by the crown. The emperor also con-
fers on him some public mark of his favor, and proclamation
IS made of his innocence through the whole city.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 101
They look upoi/toudj/ a greater crime than theft, and
therefore seldom tSfftopunish it withjkatlu for they al-
lege, that care and vigilance, with a very common under-
standing, may preserve a man's goods from thieves, but
honesty has no fence against superior cunning; and since it
is necessary that there should be a perpetual intercourse of
buying and selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it, the
honest dealer is always undone, and the knave gets the ad-
vantage. I remember, when I was once interceding with the
king for a criminal who had wronged his master of a great
sum of money, which he had received by order, and ran away
with; and happening to tell his majesty by way of extenua-
tion, that it was only a breach of trust, the emperor thought
it monstrous in me to offer as a defense the greatest aggrava-
tion of the crime ; and truly I had little to say in return, far-
ther than the common answer, that different nations had
dififerent customs ; for, I confess I was heartily ashamed.*
Although we call rewards and punishments the two hinges
upon which all government turns, yet I could never observe
this maxim to be put in practice by any nation, except that
of Lilliput. Whoever can there bring sufificient proof that
he has strictly observed the laws of his country for seventy-
three moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality and condition of life, with a proportionable sum
of money out. of a fund appropriated for that use: he like-
wise acquires the title of snil-pall, or legal, which is added
to his name, but does not descend to his posterity. And
these people thought it a prodigious defect of policy among
us, when I told them our lav/s were enforced only by penal-
ties, \dlliOut..ai2X^£ention of reward. It is upon this account
that the image oT~Justice7"m^heir courts of judicature, is
formed with six eyes, two before, as many behind, and on
each side one, to signify circumspection ; with a bag of gold
open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in her left, to
show that she is more disposed to reward than to punish.
In choosing persons for all employments, they have more
regard to p-onH rnnmU than to great abilities: for, since
government is necessary to mankind, they believe that the
common size of human understanding is fitted to some sta-
* An act of Parliament has been since passed, by which some
breaches of trust have been made capital.— Of ig.
102 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
tion or other; and that Providence never intended to make
the management of public affairs a mystery to be compre-
hended only by a few persons of sublime genius, of which
there seldom are three born in an age: but they suppose
truth, justice, temperance, and the like, to be in every man's
power; the practice of vv^hich virtues, assisted by experience
and a good intention, would qualify any man for the service
of his country, except v/here a course of study is required.
But they thought the want of moral virtues was so far from
being supplied by superior endowments of the mind, that
employments could never be put into such dangerous hands
as those of a person so qualified; and at least, that the mis-
talces committed by ignorance, in a virtuous disposition,
would never be of such fatal consequence to the public weal,
as the practice of a man whose inclinations led him to be
corrupt, and who had great abilities to manage, to multiply,
and to defend his corruptions.
In like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence ren-
ders a man incapable of holding any public station; for
/since kings avow themselves to be the de2uties of Provi-
dence, the Lilliputians think nothing can be more absurd
than for a prince to employ such men as disovv^n the author-
ity under which he acts.
In relating these and the following laws, I would only be
understood to mean the original institutions, and not the
most scandalous corruptions, into which these people are
fallen by the degenerate nature of man. For, as to that in-
famous practice of acquiring great employments by dancing
on the ropes, or badges of favor and distinction by leaping
over sticks and creeping under them, the reader is to observe
that they were first introduced by the grandfather of the em-
peror now reigning, and grew to the present height by the
gradual increase of party and faction.*
Ingratitude is among them a capital crime, as we read it
to have been in some other countries; for they reason thus:
that whosoever makes ill returns to his benefactor, must
needs be a common enemy to the rest of mankind, from
whom he has received no obligation, and therefore such a
man is not fit to live.
Their notions relating to the duties of parents and chil-
* The author alludes to the prostitution of honors, and the lavish
distribution of titles, in the reign of James I.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 103
dren differ extremely from ours. For since the con June- ^
tion of male and female is founded upon the great law of ^
nature, in order to propagate and continue the species, the
Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and women are
joined together, like other animals, by the motives of con-
cupiscence; and that their tenderness toward their young
proceeds from the like natural principle: for which reason,
they will never allow that a child is under any obligation to
his father for begetting, him^ or to his mother for brmging
him mto the world: which, considering the miseries of
human life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor intended so
by his parents, whose thoughts, in their love encounters,
were otherwise employed.* Upon these, and the like rea-
sonings, their opinion is, that parents are the last of all
others to be trusted with the education of their own children ; (,
and therefore they have in every town public nurseries,
where all parents, except cottagers and laborers, are obliged
to send their infants of both sexes to be reared and edu-
cated, when they come to the age of twenty moons, at which
time they are supposed to have some rudiments of docility.
These schools are of several kinds, suited to different qual-
ities and both sexes. They have certain professors well
skilled in preparing children for such a condition of life
as befits the rank of their parents, and their own capacities,
as well as inclinations. I shall first say something of the
male nurseries, and then of the female.
The nurseries for males of noble or eminent birth, are
provided with grave and learned professors, and their sev-
eral deputies. The clothes and food of the children are plain o
and simple. They are bred up in the principles of honor, n^
justice, courage, modesty, clemency, religion, and love of! (^'^
their country; they are always employed in some business, -*
except in the times of eating and sleeping, which are very
short, and two hours for diversions, consisting of bodily
exercises. They are dressed by men till four years of age,
and then are obliged to dress themselves, although their
quality be ever so great; and the women attendants, who
are aged proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only the
most menial ofiices. They are never suffered to converse
* Sir Walter Scott is of opinion that this idea is borrowed from
Cyrano Bergerac's Voyage to tlie Moon, where he finds a people with
whom it was the rule that parents should obey their children.
104 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
with servants, but go together, in smaller or greater num-
bers, to take their diversions, and always in the presence
of a professor or one of his deputies; whereby they avoid
those early bad impressions of folly and vice, to which our
children are subject. Their parents are suffered to see them
only twice a year; the visit is to last but an hour; they are
allowed to kiss the child at meeting and parting; but a pro-
fessor, who always stands by on those occasions, will not
suffer them to whisper, or use any fondling expressions,
or bring any presents of toys, sweetmeats, and the like.
The pension from each family for the education and en-
tertainment of a child, upon failure of due payment, is levied
by the emperor's officers.
The nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, mer-
chants, traders, and handicrafts, are managed proportion-
ably after the same manner; only those designed for trades
are put out apprentices at eleven years old: whereas those
of persons of quality continue in their exercises till fifteen,
which answers to twenty-one with us; but the confinement
is gradually lessened for the last three years.
In the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are
educated much like the males, only they are dressed by
orderly servants of their own sex; but always in the pres-
ence of a professor or deputy, till they come to dress them-
selves, which is at five years old. And if it be found that
these nurses ever presume to entertain the girls with fright-
] ful or foolish stories, or the common follies practiced by
1 chambermaids among us, they are publicly whipped thrice
I about the city, imprisoned for a year, and banished for life
tothfi^^ostj^solaiejiaitotljie^^^ Thus the 3^oung
laHies there are as much ashamed of being cowards and
fools as the men, and despise all personal ornaments beyond
decency and cleanness: neither did I perceive any differ-
ence in their education made by their difference of sex,
only that the exercises of the females were not altogether
so robust; and that some rules ^ere given them relating to
domestic life, and a smaller compass of learning was en-
joined them: for their maxim is,' that among people of qual-
ity, a wife should be always a reasonable and agreeable
companion, because she cannot always be young. When
the girls are twelve*years old, which among them is the
marriageable age, their parents or guardians take them
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 105
home, with great expressions of gratitude to the professors,
and seldom without the tears of the young lady and her
companions.
In the nurseries of the females of the meaner sort, the
children are instructed in all kinds of work proper for their
sex, and their several degrees; those intended for appren-
tices are dismissed at seven years old, the rest are kept until
eleven.
The meaner families who have children at these nurseries
are obliged, beside their annual pension, which is as low as
possible, to return to the steward of the nursery a small
monthly share of their gettings, to be a portion for the child ;
and therefore all parents are limited in their expenses by the
law. For the Lilliputians think nothing can be more unjust,
than for people, in subservience to their own appetites, to
bring children into the world, and leave the burden of sup-
porting them^n the pubHc. As to persons of quality, they
give security to appropriate a certain sum for each child,
suitable to their condition: and these funds are always
managed with good husbandry and the most exact justice.
The cottagers and laborergj^eep their children at home.,
their business being to till and cultivate the earth, and there-
fore their education is of little mnsegi^ence to the public;
but the old and diseased among them are supported by hos-
pitals; for hpgging-i.q a trade unknown in this xrapixe.
And here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to
give some account of my domestics, and my manner of living
in this country, during a residence of nine months and
thirteen days. Having a head mechanically turned, and
being likewise forced by necessity, I had made for myself
a table and chair convenient enough, out of the largest trees
in the royal park. Two hundred seamstresses were em-
ployed to make me shirts and linen for m.y bed and table,
all of the strongest and coarsest kind they could get, which,
however, they were forced to quilt together in several folds,
for the thickest was some degrees finer than lawn. Their
linen is usually three inches wide, and three feet make a
piece. The seamstresses took my measure as I lay on the
ground, one standing at my neck, and another at my mid-
leg, with a strong cord extended, that each held by the end,
while a third measured the length of the cord with a rule
an inch long. Then they measured my right thumb, and
106 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
desired no more; for by a mathematical computation, that
twice round the thumb is once round the wrist, and so on
to the neck and waist, and by the help of my old shirt, which
I displayed on the ground before them for a pattern; they
fitted me exactly. Three hundred tailors were employed
in the same manner to make me clothes ; but they had an-
other contrivance for taking miy measure. I kneeled down,
cind they raised a ladder from the ground to my neck; upon
this ladder one of them miounted, and let fall a plumb-line
from my collar to the floor, which just answered the length
of my coat; but my waist and arms I measured myself.
When my clothes were finished, which was done in my
house (for the largest of theirs would not have been able
to hold them) they looked like the patchwork made by the
ladies in England, only that mine were all of a color.
I had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals, in little
convenient huts built about my house, where they and their
families lived, and prepared me two dishes apiece. I took
up twenty waiters in my hand, and placed them on the table ;
a hundred more attended below on the ground, some with
dishes of meat, and some with barrels of wine and other
liquors slung on their shoulders, all of which the waiters
above drew up, as I wanted, in a very ingenious manner by
certain corxls, as we draw a bucket up a well in Europe. A
dish of their meat was a good mouthful, and barrel of their
liquor a reasonable draught. Their mutton yields to ours,
but their beef is excellent. I have had a sirloin so large,
that I have been forced to make three bites of it; but this
is rare. My servants were astonished to see me eat it, bones
and all, as in otir country we do the leg of a lark. Their
geese and turkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and I confess
they far exceed ours. Of their smaller fowl I could take up
twenty or thirty at the end of my knife.
One day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way
of living, desired ''that himself and his royal consort, with
the young princes of the blood of both sexes, might have the
happiness," as he was pleased to call it, "of dining with me."
They came accordingly, and I placed them in chairs of state,
upon my table, just over against me, with their guards about
them. Flimnap, the lord high-treasurer, attended there
likewise, with his white stafif; and I observed he often
looked on me wnth a S£ujr countenance, which I would not
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 107
seem to regard, but ate more than usual, in honor to my dear
country, as well as to fill the court with admiration. I have
some private reasons to believe, that this visit from his maj-
esty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me ill offices
to his master. That minister had always been my secret
enemy, though he outwardly caressed me more than was
usual to the moroseness of his nature. He represented
to the emperor "the low condition of his treasury; that he
was forced to take up money at a great discount; that ex-
chequer bills would not circulate under nine per cent, below^
par; that I had cost his majesty above a million and a half
of sprugs (their greatest gold coin, about the bigness of a
spangle) ; and, upon the whole, it would be advisable in the
emperor to take the first fair occasion of dismissing me."''''
I am here obliged to vindicate the reputation of an excel-
lent lady, who was an innocent sufferer on my account. The
treasurer took a fancy to be jealous of hig wife^ from the
nialice of some evil tongues, who informed him that her
Grace had taken a violent affection for my person, and the
court scandal ran for some time, that she once came pri-
vately to my lodgings. This I solemnly declare to be a
most infamousjalsehood, without any grounds, farther than
that her Grace was pleased to treat me with all innocent
marks of freedom and friendship. I own she came often
to my house, but always publicly, nor ever without three
more in the coach, who were usually her sister and young
daughter, and some particular acquaintance; but this was
common to many other ladies of the court; and I still ap-
peal to my sen^ants round, whether they at any time saw
a coach at my door without knowing what persons were
in it. On those occasions, when a servant had given me
notice, my custom was to go immediately to the door; and
after paying my respects, to take up the coach and two
horses very carefully in my hands (for, if there were six
horses, the postilion afways unharnessed four), and place
them on a table, where I had fixed a movable rim quite
round, of five inches high, to prevent accidents ; and I have
aften had four coaches and horses at once on my table,
full of company, while I sat in my chair, leaning my face
* Sir Robert Walpole was often reproached with false economy-
no uncommon topic of railing against the Whigs. The parsimonious
disposition of George I. has been already noticed.
108 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
towards them; and when I was engaged with one set, the
coachmen would gently drive the others round my table. I
have passed many an afternoon very agreeably in these con-
versations. But I defy the treasurer, or his two informers
(I will name them, and let them make the best of it), Clustril
and Drunlo to prove that any person ever came to me
incognito, except the secretary Reldresal, who was sent by
express command of his imperial majesty, as I have before
related. I should not have dwelt so long upon this par-
ticular, if it had not been a point wherein the reputation
of a great lady is so nearly concerned/''' to sa)^ nothing of
my own ; though I then had the honor to be a nardac, which
the treasurer himself is not; for all the world knows that
he is only a glum-glum, a title inferior by one degree, as
that of a marquise is to a duke in England; yet I allow, he
preceded me in right of his post. These false informations,
which I afterwards came to the knowledge of by an accident
not proper to mention, made the treasurer show his lady
for some time an ill countenance, and me a worse; and
although he was at last undeceived and reconciled to her,
yet I lost all credit with him, and found my interest decline
very fast with the emperor himself, who was, indeed, too
much governed by that favorite.
CHAPTER VII.
THE AUTHOR BEING INFORMED OF A DESIGN TO ACCUSE
HIM OF HIGH TREASON, MAKES HIS ESCAPE TO
BLEFUSCU— HIS RECEPTION THERE.
An account of my leaving this kingdom may properly be
prefaced by some particulars of a private intrigue which had
been for two months forming against me. I had been hith-
erto, all my life, a stranger to courts for which I was un-
qualified by the meanness of my condition. I had indeed
heard and read enough of the dispositions of great princes
and ministers ; but never expected to have found such terri-
* The Dean probably alludes to the inquiries made into Boling-
broke's intrigues by the Committee of 1715, and particularly that
which he was suspected of having formed with Madame Tencln, There
are few passages in this work, which can compete for grave and quiet
humor with Gulliver's earnest defence of the lady's character.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 109
ble effects of them in so remote a country, governed, as I
thought, by very different maxims from those in Europe.
When I was just preparing to pay my attendance on the
emperor of Blefuscu, a considerable person at court (to
whom I had been very serviceable, at a time when he lay
under the highest displeasure of his imperial majesty), came
to my house very privately at night, in a close chair, and,
without sending his name, desired admittance. The chair-
men were dismissed: I put the chair, with his lordship in
it, into my coat pocket ; and giving orders to a trusty serv-
ant to say I was indisposed and gone to sleep, I fastened the
door of my house, placed the chair on the table, according
to my usual custom, and sat down by it. AJter the common
salutations were over, observing his lordship's countenance
full of concern, and inquiring into the reason, he desired
''I would hear him with patience, in a matter that highly
concerned my honor and my life." His speech was to the
following effect, for I took notes of it as soon as he left me :
''You are to know," said he, "that several committees of
council have been lately called, in the most private manner,
on your account; and it is but two days since his majesty
came to a full resolution.
''You are very sensible that Skyresh Bolgolam (galbet, or
high admiral) has been your mortal enemy, almost ever
since your arrival. His original reasons I know not ; but his
hatred is increased since your great success against Ble-
fuscu, by which his glory as admiral is much obscured. This
lord, in conjunction with Flimnap, the high-treasurer, whose
enmity against you is notorious on account of his lady,
Limtoc the general, Lalcon the chamberlain, and Balmuff
the grand justiciary, have prepared articles of impeachment
against you, for treason and other capital crimes."
This preface made me so impatient, being conscious of
my own merits and innocence, that I was going to interrupt
him; when he entreated me to be silent, and thus pro-
ceeded.
"Out of gratitude for the favors you have done me, I pro-
cured information of the whole proceedings, and a copy of
articles;^' wherein I venture my head for your service."
* These articles ai-e designed to ridicule the articles of impeachment
against Oxford, Ormond, and Bolingbroke, in 1715.
There were many who believed that, in consequence of the numer-
ous victories obtained by the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene
110 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT
AGAINST
QUINBUS FLESTRIN, THE MAN-MOUNTAIN.
ARTICLE 1.
"Whereas, by a statute made in the reign of his imperial
majesty CaHn Deffar Phme, it is enacted, that whosever
shall make water within the precincts of the royal palace,
shall be liable to the pains and penalties of high-treason;
notwithstanding, the said Ouinbus Flestrin, in open breach
of the said law, under color of extinguishing the fire kindled
in the apartment of his majesty's most dear imperial con-
sort, did maliciously, traitorously, and devilishly, by dis-
charge of his urine, put out the said fire kindled in the same
apartment, lying and being within the precincts of the said
royal palace, against the statute in the case provided, etc.,
against the duty, etc.
ARTICLE 2.
'That the said Quinbus Flestrin having brought the im-
perial fleet of Blefuscu into the royal port, and being after-
wards commanded by his imperial majesty to seize all the
other ships of the said empire of Blefuscu, and reduce that
empire to a province, to be governed by a viceroy from
hence, and to destroy and put to death not only all the
Big-endian exiles, but likewise all the people of that empire
it v/ould have been possible for the Allies to have marched to Paris,
and compelled Louis XIV. to purchase peace by the sacrifice of a
large portion of his dominion. Swift so far yields to popular prejudice
as not to contest the possibility of such an exploit (here typified by
the complete conquest of Blefuscu); he takes the higher ground of
national justice, and insinuates that if the Allies had violated the
integrity of PYance they would have been guilty of the very crime
which furnished a pretext for their inveterate hostility to Louis XIV.
The frivolous and vexatious character of some of the' articles of Gul-
liver's impeachment is scarcely an exaggeration of the trivial nature
of many of the charges brought against Queen Anne's last cabinet by
the Walpole administration.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. Ill
who would not immediately forsake the Big-endian heresy ;
he, the said Flestrin, like a false traitor against his most
suspicious, serene, imperial majesty, did petition to be ex-
cused from the said service, upon pretence of unwilling-
ness to force the consciences, or desTroy the liberties and
lives of an innocent people.*
ARTICLE 3.
'That whereas certain ambassadors arrived from the
court of Blefuscu, to sue peace in his majesty's court, he,
the said Flestrin, did, like a false traitor, aid, abet, comfort,
and divert the said ambassadors, although he knew them
to be servants of a prince who was lately an open enemy
to his imperial majesty, and in an open war against his said
majesty.
ARTICLE 4.
'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, contrary to the duty of
a faithful subject, is now preparing to make a voyage to the
court and empire of Blefuscu, for which he has received only
verbal license from his imperial majesty, and, under color
of the said license does falsely and traitorously intend to take
the said voyage, and thereby to aid, comfort, and abet the
emporer of Blefuscu, so lately an enemy, and in open war
with his imperial majesty aforesaid.''
"There are some other articles; but these are the most
important, of w^hich I have read you an abstract.
"In the several debates upon this impeachment, it must
be confessed that his majesty gave many marks of his great
lenity; often urging the services you had done him, and en-
deavoring to extenuate your crimes. The treasurer and ad-
miral insisted that you should be put to the most painful
and ignominious death by setting fire to your house at
night; and the general was to attend with twenty thousand
men, armed with poisoned arrows to shoot you on the face
and hands. Some of your servants were to have private
orders to strew a poisonous juice on your shirts and sheets,
* A lawyer thinks himself honest, if he does the best he can for
his client, and a statesman, if he promotes the interests of his country ;
but the Dean here inculcates a higher notion of right and wrong, and
obligations to a larger community.— Hawksworth.
112 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
which would soon make you tear your own flesh, and die
in the utmost torture. The general came into the same
opinion, so that for a long time there was a majority against
you but his majesty resolving, if possible, to spare your
life, at last brought off the chamberlain.
''Upon this incident, Reldresal, principal secretary for
private affairs, who always approved himself your true
friend, was commanded by the emperor to deliver his opin-
ion, which he accordingly did, and therein justified the good
thoughts you have of him. He allowed your crimes to be
great, but that still there was room for mercy, the most
commendable virtue in a prince, and for which his majesty
was so justly celebrated. He said the friendship between
you and him was so well known to the world that perhaps
the most honorable board might think him partial; how-
ever, in obedience to the command he had received, he
would freely offer his sentiments. That if his majesty, in
consideration of your services, and pursuant to his own
merciful disposition, would please spare your life, and only
give orders to put out both your eyes, he humbly conceived
that, by this expedient, justice might in some measure be
satisfied, and ^11 the^orlcTapplaud the lenity of the emperor,
^Ts^well as the fair and generous proceedings of "those who
have the honor To^e his counsellors! 1 hat the loss of your
eyes would be no impediment to your bodily strength, by
which you might still be useful to his majesty; that blind-
ness is an addition to courage, by concealing dangers from
us; that the fear you had for your eyes v^^as the greatest
difSculty in bringing over the enemy's fleet; and it would
be sufiQcient for you to see by the eyes of the ministers, since
the greatest princes do no more.*
'This proposal was received with the utmost disappro-
bation by the whole board. Bolgolam, the admiral, could
not preserve his temper; but rising up in fury, said, he won-
dered how the secretary durst presume to give his opinion
for preserving the life of a traitor: that the services you had •
performed were, by all true reasons of state, the great ag-
* The pretended merciful counsel of Reldresal, who pronosed a
commutation of punishment, which, however, was worse than death,
appears to be a satire on those Whig-s who proposed that the Earl
of Oxford and Boling-broke, instead of being" impeached for high
treason, and thus broug-ht in peril of life, should only be accused of
high misdemeanors, which would justify their being- deprived of title
and estate, and sentenced to civil death. «
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 113
gravation of your crimes; that you, who was able to ex-
tinguish the fire by discharge of urine in her majesty's
apartment (which he mentioned with horror), might, at an-
other time raise an inundation by the same means, to drown
the whole place; and the same strength which enabled you
to bring over the enemies fleet, might serve, upon the first
discontent, to carry it back : that he had good reasons to
think you were a Big-endian in your heart; and; and, as
treason begins in the heart before it appears in overt acts,
so he accused you as a traitor on that account, and there-^
fore insisted you should be put to death.
"The treasurer was of the same opinion: he showed to
what straits his majesty's revenue was reduced, by the
charge of maintaining you, which would soon grow insup-
portable: that the secretary's expedient of putting out
your eyes, was so far from being a remedy against this evil,
that it would probably increase it, as is manifest from the
common practice of blinding some kind of fowls, after which
they fed the faster and grew sooner fat; that his sacred
majesty and the council, who are your judges, were, in their
own consciences, fully convinced of your guilt, which was
a sufficient argument to condemn you to death, without the
formal proofs required by the strict letter of the law.*
"But his imperial majesty, fully determined against capi-
tal punishment, was graciously pleased to say, that since
the council thought the loss of your eyes too easy a censure,
some other may be inflicted liereafter.f And your friend
the secretary, humbly desiring to be heard again, in an-
swer to what the treasurer had objected, concerning the
great charge his majesty was at in maintaining you, said,
that his excellency, who had the sole disposal of the em-
peror's revenue, might easily provide against that evil, by
gradually lessening your establishment; by which, for want
* There is something- so odious in whatever is wrong, that even
those whom it does not subject to punishment, endeavor to color it
with an appearance of right; but the attempt is always unsuccessful,
and only betrays a consciousness of deformity by showing- a desire
to hide it. Thus the Lilliputian court pretended a right to dispense
with the strict letter of the law to put Gulliver to death, though by
the strict letter of the law only he could be convicted of a crime; the
intention of the statute not being to suffer the place rather to be
burnt than so to be extinguished.— Hawkesworth.
t This appears to be directed against the partial pardon which was
granted to Lord Bolingbroke. George I. could never be persuaded to
restore him to his rights as a peer, though Bolingbroke bribed the
Duchess of Kendal to use her powerful intercession, and actually
induced her to place his memorial in the King-'s own hand.
8
114 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
of sufficient food, you will grow weak and faint, and lose
your appetite, and consume in a few months ; neither would
the stench of your carcass be then so dangerous, when it
should become more than half diminished : and immediate-
ly upon your death, five or six thousand of his majesty's
subjects might, in tv/o or three days, cut your flesh from
your bones, take it away by cartloads, and bury it in distant
parts, to prevent iiifection, leaving the skeleton as a monu-
ment of admiration to posterity.
"Thus by the great friendship of the secretary, the whole
afifair was compromised. It was strictly enjoined, that the
/ project of starving you by degrees should be kept a secret;
but the sentence of putting out your eyes was entered on
the books; none dissenting, except Bolgolam the admiral,
who, being a creature of the empress, was perpetually in-
stigated by her majesty to insist upon your death, she hav-
' ing borne perpetual malice against you, on account of that
infamous and illegal method you took to extinguish the fire
in her apartment.
''In three days your friend the secretary will be directed
to come to your house, and read before you the articles of
impeachment; and then to signify the great lenity and favor
of his majesty and council, whereby you are only con-
demned to the loss of your eyes, which his majesty does
not question you will gratefully and humbly submit to ; and
twenty of his majesty's surgeons will attend, in order to see
the operation well performed, by discharging very sharp
pointed arrows into the balls of your eyes, as you lie on the
ground.
''I leave to your prudence what measures you will take;
and to avoid suspicion, I must immediately return in as
private a manner as I came."
His lordship did so; and I remained alone, under many
doubts and perplexities of mind.
It was a custom introduced by this prince and his ministry
(very dififerent, as I have been assured, from the practice of
former times), that after the court had decreed any cruel
execution, either to gratify the monarch's resentment, or
the malice of a favorite, the emperor always made a speech
to his whole council, expressing his great lenity and tender-
ness as qualities known and confessed by the whole world.
This speech was immediately published throughout the
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 115
kingdom;* nor did anything terrify the people so much,
as those encomiums on his majesty's mercy; because it
was observed that the na^re thesejraij^ were enlarged and
insist^d-^, the m^Qreinhuman was the punishment, and the
suB^irmore innqceni: YliL ay Lo Tnyself, I must confess,'^\
'-Kavmg never been designed for a courtier, either by birth or SI
education, I w^^^^^gill a judge of things, that I could-e^t ( ,
(^scoY^x-'-^^^'~i^^ii$^C3^n&^i$^^''oi tTtis sentence'THSut con- /
ceived it (perhaps erroneously) rather to be rigorous than J
gentle. I sometimes thought of standing my trial ; for, al-
though I could not deny the facts alleged in the several
articles, yet I hoped they would admit of some extenua-
tion. But having in my life perused many state trials, which
I ever observed to terminate as the judges thought fit to
direct, I durst not rely on so dangerous a decision, in so
critical a juncture, and against such powerful enemies.
Once, I was strongly bent upon resistance; for, while I had
liberty, the whole strength of that empire could hardly sub-
due me, and I might easily with stones pelt the metropoli5^^
to pieces; but I soon rejected that project with horror, by \ I
remembering the oath I had made to the emperor, the V ^
favors I had received from him, and the high title of (.
7iardac he conferred upon me. Neither had I so soon A '
learned the gratitude of courtiers, to pursuade my self that j
^ his majesty's present severities acquitted me of all past ob-
ligations.!
At last I fixed upon a resolution for which it is probably
I may incur some censure, and not unjustly, for I confess
I owe the preserving of mine eyes, and consequently my
liberty to my own great rashness and want of experience;
because, if I had then known the nature of princes and
ministers, which I have since observed in many other courts,
* Sir Walter Scott supposes that a sarcasm is intended here against
the royal proclamations issued after the rebellion of 1715, but Swift
more probably alludes to the King's speech at the opening of Parlia-
ment, October 11th, 1772, wherein he informed both Houses of the
conspiracy to restore the Pretender, in which Atterbury was in-
volved.
t Gulliver's defense of himself for escaping to Blefuscu is a covert
apolog-y for Bolingbroke's flight to France in 1715; a circumetance
which was frequently quoted as decisive proof of iiis guilt, and cen-
sured as an act of imprudence by many who believed in his innocence.
The Dean insinuates that it v/as, like that of Gulliver, rendered
necessary by the malice of the ministers of the day; and it mubt
be confessed that the mode in which the articles of impeachment were
urged forward, gave too much reason to believe that Bolingbroke's
death was predetermined by his accusers*
IIG GULLIVER'S TRAVELS;
and their methods of treating criminals less obnoxious than
myself, I should, with great alacrity and readiness, have
submitted to so easy a punishment.f But hurried on by
the precipitancy of youth, and having his imperial majesty's
license to pay my attendance upon the emperor of Blefuscu,
I took this opportunity before the three days were elapsed,
to send a letter to my friend, the secretary, signifying my
resolution of setting out that morning for Blefuscu,
pursuant to the leave I had got; and, without waiting for
answer, I went to that side of the island where our fleet lay.
I seized a large man-of-war, tied a cable to the prow, and
lifting up the anchors, I stripped myself, put my clothes
(together with my coverlet, which I carried under my arm)
into the vessel, and drawing it after me, between wading and
swimming, arrived at the royal port of Blefuscu, where the
people had long expected me; they lent me two guides to
direct me to the capital city, which is of the same namxC.
I held them in my hands till I came within two hundred
yards of the gate, and desired them ''to signify my arrival
to one of the secretaries, and let him know I there waited
his majesty's command." I had an answer in about an hour,
''that his majesty, attended by the royal family, and great
of^cers of the court, was coming out to receive me." I ad-
vanced a hundred yards. The emperor and his train alighted
from their horses, the empress and ladies from their
coaches, and I did not perceive they were in any fright or
concern. I lay on the ground to kiss his majesty's and the
empress' hands. I told his majesty, "that I was come ac-
cording to my promise, and with the license of the emperor
my master, to have the honor of seeing so mighty a mon-
arch, and to offer him any service in my power, consistent
with my duty to my own prince ;" not mentioning a word of
my disgrace, because I had hitherto no regular informa-
tion of it, and might suppose myself wholly ignorant of any
such design; neither could I reasonably conceive that the
emperor would discover the secret, while I was out of his
t This bitter stroke of irony is directed against the acts of Par-
liament by which Ormond, Bolingbroke, and the Bishop of Rochester,
were attained. Swift gave rather a per lous proof of his belief iu
the innocence of the Duke of Ormond, when, after that nobleman's
attainder, the heralds from the Irish College of Arms went to remove
his escutcheon from St, Patrick's Cathedral, Sv/ift refused them
admittance, and persevered in keeping the Duke's coat of arms in
its ancient place of honor.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 117
power; wherein, however, it soon appeared I was deceived.
I shall not trouble the reader with the particular account
of my reception at this court, which was suitable to the
generosity of so _great a prince ; nor of the difBculties I was
in for want of a house and bed, being forced to lie on the
ground, wrapped up in my coverlet.*
CHAPTER VIII.
THE AUTHOR, BY A LUCKY ACCIDENT, FINDS MEANS TO
LEAVE BLEFUSCU; AND, AFTER SOME DIFFICULTIES.
RETURNS SAFE TO HIS NATIVE COUNTRY.
Three days after my arrival, walking out of curiosity to
the north-east coast of the island, I observed about half a
league off in the sea, somewhat that looked like a boat
overturned. I pulled off my shoes and stockings, and wad-
ing two or three hundred yards, I found the object to ap-
proach nearer by force of the tide; and then plainly saw it
to be a real boat, which I supposed might by some tempest
have been driven from a ship: whereupon I returned im-
mediately toward the city, and desired his imperial majesty
to lend me twenty of the tallest vessels he had left, after the
loss of his fleet, and three thousand seamen, under the
command of his vice-admiral. This fleet sailed round, while
I went back the shortest way to the coast, where I first dis-
covered the boat. I found the tide had driven it still nearer.
The seamen were all provided with cordage, which I had
beforehand twisted to a sufficient strength. When the ships
came up, I stripped myself, and waded till I came within a
hundred yards of the boat, after which I was forced to swim
till I got up to it. The seamen threv/ me the end of the cord,
which I fastened to a hole in the fore part of the boat, and
the other end to a man-of-war; but I found all my labor to
little purpose ; for, being out of my depth, I was not able to
work. In this necessity I was forced to swim behind, and
push the boat forward as often as I could with one of my
hands; and the tide favoring me, I advanced so far that I
could just hold up my chin and feel the ground. I rested
two or three minutes, and then gave the boat another shove,
* The author probably alludes to the severe hardships endured by
many of the Jacobite exiles in France.
118 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
and so on, till the sea was no higher than my armpits ; and
now the most laborious part being over, I took out my other
cables, which were stowed in one of the ships, and fastened
them first to the boat, and them to nine of the vessels which
attended me: the wind being favorable, the seamen towed,
and I shoved, until we arrived within forty yards of the
shore, and waiting till the tide was out, I got dry to the boat,
and by the assistance of two thousand men with ropes and
engines, I made a shift to turn it on its bottom, and found it
was but little damaged.
I shall not trouble the reader with the difficulties I was
under, by the help of certain paddles, which cost me ten days
making, to get my boat to the royal port of Blefuscu, where
a mighty concourse of people appeared upon my arrival, full
of wonder at the sight of so prodigious a vessel. I told the
emperor "that my good fortune had thrown this boat in my
way, to carry me to some place whence I might return into
my native country; and begged his majesty's orders for
getting materials to fit it up; together with his license to
depart;" which, after some kind expostulations, he was
pleased to grant.
I did very much wonder, in all this time, not to have
heard* of any express relating to me from our emperor to
the court of Blefuscu. But I was afterwards given privately
to understand, that his imperial majesty, never imagining
I had the least notice of his designs, believed I was only
gone to Blefuscu in performance of my promise, accord-
ing to the license he had given me, which was well known
at our court, and would return in a few days, when the cere-
mony was ended. But he was at last in pain at my long
absence; and after consulting with the treasurer and the
rest of that cabal, a person of quality was dispatched with the
copy of the articles against me. This envoy had instructions
to represent to the monarch of Blefuscu, ''the great lenity
of his master, who was content to pimish me no farther than
with the loss of mine eyes; that I had fied from justice; and
if T did not return in two hours, I should be deprived of my
title of nardac and declared a traitor." The envoy farther
added, ''that in order to maintain the peace and amity be-
tween both empires, his master expected that his brother of
* "I did very much wonder not to have heard, etc." This sentence
is ungrarnmatical; it should have been, "I did very much wonder, in
all this time, at not having heard of any express," etc.— Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 119
Blefuscu would give orders to have me sent back to Lilli-
put, bound hand and foot, to be punished as a traitor."*
The emperor of Blefuscu, having taken three days to con-
sult, returned an answer consisting of many civilities and
excuses. He said, ''that, as for sending me bound, his
brother knew it was impossible; that although I had de-
prived him of his fleet, yet he owed great obligations to me
for many good ofifices I had done him in making the peace.
That, however, both their majesties would soon be made
easy; for I had found a prodigious vessel on the shore, able
to carry me on the sea, which he had given orders to fit up,
with my own assistance and direction; and he hoped, in
a few weeks, both empires would be freed from so insup-
portable an incumbrance."
With this answer the envoy returned to Lilliput, and the
monarch of Blefuscu related to me all that had passed;
offering me at the same time (but under the strictest confi-
dence) his gracious protection if I would continue in his
service; wherein although I believed him sincere, yet I re-
solved never more to put any confidence in princes or min-
isters, where I could possibly avoid it; and therefore, with
all due acknowledgments for his favorable intentions, I
humbly begged to be excused. I told him, that ''since
fortune, whether good or evil, had thrown a vessel in my
way, I was resolved to venture myself on the ocean, rather
than be an occasion of difference between two such mighty
monarchs. Neither did I find the emperor at all displeased;
and I discovered, by a certain accident, that he was very
glad of my resolution, and so were most of his ministers. f
%
* This embassy from Lilliput is designed to satirize the frequent
remonstrances made to the French court by the English ministers,
in consequence of the protection granted to the Jacobites.
t This irony is directed against the jealousy with which Boling
broke, during his exile, was regarded by the French ministers. His
restless spirit of intrigue rendered him scarcely less formidable at
Versailles than he had been at St. James's. During his exile, BoUng-
broke entered into the Pretender's service, but soon quarreled with
his master, and was formally attainted at the mock court of St.
James's. It was a singular fortune to be secretary to and attainted
by both governments. Swift has invariably eulogized Bolingoroke as
a pure patriot; but he was far from deserving that character. "Ilia
life," says a recent writer, "was chiefly spent in retirement, and though
not highly exemplary of practical wisdom he was looked up jto with
oracular veneration by contemporary wits and politicians. He was
a fine speaker and highly accomplished man; of great energy and de-
cision of character; but unscrupulous, and lacked the integrity oi
principle and singleness of purpose which inspire confidence ana
)ead to unquestioned excellence. He was ambitious, covetous of
superiority, resentful; lax in morals, a partisan in politics, and an
jntidei in religion,"
120 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
These considerations moved me to hasten my departure
somewhat sooner than I intended; to which the court, im-
patient to have me gone, very readily contributed. Five
hundred workmen were employed to make two sails to my
boat, according to my directions, by quilting thirteen folds
of their strongest linen together. I was at the pains of mak-
ing ropes and cables, by twisting ten, twenty, or thirty of
the thickest and strongest of theirs. A great stone that I
happened to find, after a long search, by the seashore,
served me for an anchor. I had the tallow of three hun-
dred cows, for greasing my boat, and other uses. I was
at incredible pains in cutting down some of the largest tim-
ber trees for oars and masts, wherein I was, however, much
assisted by his majesty's ship-carpenters, who helped me
in smoothing them, after I had done the rough work.
In about a month, when all was prepared, I sent to receive
his majesty's commands, and to take my leave. The em-
peror and royal family came out of the palace; I lay down
on my face to kiss his hand, which he very graciously gave
me; so did the empress and young princes of the blood. His
majesty presented me with fifty purses of two hundred
sprugs apiece, together with his picture at full length, which
I put immediately into one of my gloves, to keep it from
being hurt. The ceremonies at my departure were too
many to trouble the reader with at this time.
I stored the boat with carcasses of a hundred oxen and
three hundred sheep, with bread and drink proportionable,
and as much meat ready-dressed as four hundred cooks
could provide. I took with me sixxows and two-^blllls alive,
with a» many ev/es and rams, intending to carry them into
my own country and propagate the breed ; and to feed them
on board, I had a good bundle of hay and a bag of corn. I
would gladly have taken a dozen of the natives, but this
was a thing the emperor would by no means permit; and,
besides a diligent search into my pockets, his majesty en-
gaged my honor ''not to carry away any of his subjects, al-
though with their own consent and desire."
Having thus prepared all things as well as I was able, I
set sail on the twenty-fourth day of September, 1701, at six
in the morning; and when I had gone about four leagues to
the northward, the wind being at south-east, at six in the
evening, I descried a small island about half a league to the
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 121
northwest. I advanced forward, and cast anchor on the lee
side of the island, which seemed to be uninhabited. I then
took some refreshment and went to my rest. I slept well,
and as I conjecture, at least six hours, for I found the day
broke in two hours after I awaked. It was a clear night.
I ate my breakfast before the sun was up, and heaving
anchor, the wind being favorable, I steered the same course
that I had done the day before, wherein I was directed by
my pocket-compass. My intention was to reach, if possible,
one of those islands which I had reason to believe lay to
the northeast of Van Diemen's Land. I discovered nothing
all that day; but upon the next, about three in the after-
noon, when I had by my computation made twenty-four
leagues from Blefuscu, I descried a sail steering to the
southeast; my course was due east. I hailed her, but could
get no answer; I gained upon her, for the wind slackened.
I made all the sail I could, and in half an hour she spied me,
then hung out her ancient, and discharged a gun. It is not
easy to express the joy I was in, upon the unexpected hope
of once more seeing my beloved country and the dear
pledges I left in it. The ship slackened her sails, and I came
up with her between five and six in the evening, September
twenty-sixth; but my heart leaped within me to see her
English colors. I put my cows and sheep into my coat-
pockets and got on board with all my little cargo of provi-
sions. The vessel was an English merchantman returning
from Japan by the North and South seas; the captain, Mr.
John Biddel, of Deptford, a very civil man and an excellent
sailor. We were now in the latitude of 30 degrees south;
there were about fifty men in the ship; and here I met an
old comrade of mine, one Peter Williams, who gave me a
good character to the captain. This gentleman treated me
with kindness and desired I would let him know wliat place
I came from last, and whither I was bound ; which I did in a
few words, but he thought I was raving, and that the
dangers I had underwent"^ had disturbed my head; where-
upon I took my black cattle and sheep out of my pocket,
which, after great astonishm.ent, clearly convinced him of
my veracity. I then showed him the gold given me by the
emperor of Blefuscu, together with his majesty's picture at
* "I had underwent," is not English; it should have been "I had
undergone," or "I underwent." *
122 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
full length, and some other rarities of that country. I gave
him two purses of two hundred sprugs each, and promised
when we arrived in England to make him a present of a cow,
and a sheep, big with young.
I shall not trouble the reader with a particular account of
this voyage, which was very prosperous for the most part.
We arrived in the Downs on the 13th of April, 1702. I had
only one misfortune, that the rats on board carried away one
of my sheep; I found her bones in a hole, picked clean from
the flesh. The rest of my cattle I got safe ashore, and set
a-grazing on a bowling-green at Greenwich, where the fine-
ness of the grass made them feed very heartily, though I had
always feared the contrary: neither could I possibly have
preserved them in so long a voyage if the captain had not
allowed me some of his best biscuit, which, rubbed to pow-
der and mingled with water, was their constant food. The
short time I continued in England I made considerable
profit by showing my cattle to many persons of §[uality and
others; and before I began my second voyage I sold them
for six hundred pounds. Since my last return I find the
breed is considerably increased, especially the sheep, which
I hope will prove much to the advantage of the woolen
manufacture, by the fineness of the fleeces.f
I stay but tw^o months with my wife and family, for my
insatiable desire of seeing foreign countries would suffer me
to continue no longer. I left fifteen hundred pounds with
my wife, and fixed her in a good house at RedrifT. My re-
maining stock I carried with me, part in money and part in
goods, in hopes to improve my fortunes. My eldest uncle
John had left me an estate in land near Epping of about
thirty pounds a year, and I had a long lease of the Black
Bull in Fetter Lane, which yielded me as much more; so
that I was not in any danger of leaving my family upon the
parish. My son Johnny, named so after his uncle, was at the
t This Is a passing- sarcasm on the numerous acts of Parliament
for encouraging- the woollen manufactures, and the various schemes
proposed in Swift's time for improving the growth and fineness of
wool. There is probably no other subject on which g-reater blunders
have been made in commercial legislation than the English woollen
trade, nor any which more clearly shows the futility of protecting
duties and direct encouragement from Parliament, Swift provoked
the indignation of the party in power, by protesting earnestly against
the commercial jealousy which annihilated the woollen manufactures
of Ireland, under pretense of their interfering- with the staple manu-
facture of England: but wool was the favorite hobby of his day. and
projects for extending the trade formed no small part of the bubbles
of 1720.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 12ii
grammar-school^ and a towardly child. My daughter Betty
(who is now well married and has children) was then at her
needlev/ork. I took leave of my wife and boy and girl with
tears on both sides, and went on board the Adventure, a
merchant ship of three hundred tons, bound for Surat, Cap-
tain John Nicholas, of Liverpool, commander. But my ac-
count of this voyage must be referred to the Second Part of
my travels.
APPENDIX
TO THE
VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.
Lilliput and its court were, as we have shown, designed
as a sarcastic description of England in the reigns of Anne
and the First of the Georges, but the explanation of the
satire would scarcely be complete without Swift's opinions
of the statesmen of his day, which he has recorded in MS.
notes on Macky's Memoirs. They are very pithy and char-
acteristic.
Harley, Earl of Oxford. — ''He is skilled in most things,
and very eloquent." — Macky. A great lie: he could not
properly be called eloquent; but he knew how to prevail on
the House with few words and strong reasons. — Swift's MS.
Lord John Poulet. — "One of the hopefullest gentlemen
in England; very learned, virtuous, and a man of honor." —
M. This character is fair enough. — S.
Legge, Lord Dartmouth. — ''He sets up for a critic in con-
versation, makes jests and loves to laugh at them, takes a
great deal of pains in his office, and is in a fair way of rising
at court." — M, This is right enough, but he has little sin-
cerity.— S.
Wharton, Lord Wharton. — "He is one of the completest
gent;^men in England; hath a very clear understanding,
and 1; ^nly expression, with an abundance of wit." — M. The
most tix.xv^ersal villain I ever saw. — S.
Powlett, Duke of Bolton. — "He does not now make any
figure at court." — M. Nor anywhere else; a great booby.
— S.
Charles, Viscount Townshend. — "He is beloved by every-
body that knows him." — M. I except one. — S.
124
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 125
John Somers. — 'This distinguished lawyer was born at
Worcester in 1652, of a credible family." — M. Very mean;
his father was a noted rogue. I allow him to have possessed
all excellent qualities except virtue; he had violent passions,
and hardly subdued them by his great prudence. — S.
Matthew Prior. — "He is very well at court with the minis-
try, and is an entire creature of Lord Jersey, whom he
supports by his advice: is one of the best poets in England,
but very factious in conversation; a thin, hollow-looked
man." — M. This is near the truth. — S.
Charles, Lord Halifax. — "tie is a great encourager of
learning and learned men; is the patron of the Muses; of
very agreeable conversation; a short, fat man." — M. His
encouragement were only good words and dinners. I never
heard him say one good thing or seem to taste what was
said by others. — S.
Charles, Duke of Somerset. — "He is a lover of music and
poetry; of good judgment." — M. Not a grain; hardly com-
mon sense. — S. (See a more extended character in the
history of the four last years of Queen Anne.)
Daniel, Earl of Nottingham. — "He hath the exterior air
of business, and application enough to make him very capa-
ble; in his habits and manners very familiar." — M. He fell
in with the Whigs; was an endless talker. — S. (See as be-
fore.)
Charles, Lord Mohun. — "He is brave in his person, bold
in his expressions, and rectifies as fast as he can the slips of
his youth by acts of honesty." — M. He was little better than
a conceited talker in company. — S.
John, Duke of Argyle. — "His family will not lose in his
person, the great figure they have made for so many ages."
— M. Ambitious, covetous, cunning Scot; has no principle
but his own interest and greatness. A true Scot in his whole
conduct. — S.
Montague Venables Bertie. — "A gentleman of fine parts."
— M. Very covetous. — S.
Mr. Davenant. — "A very giddy-headed young fellow,
with some wit." — M. He is not worth mentioning. — S.
Sir Paul Methuen. — "A man of intrigue, but very muddy
in his conceptions, and not quickly understood in anything."
— M. A profligate rogue, without religion or morals; but
cunning enough, yet without abilities of any kind. — S.
126 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Mr. Aglionby. — "Envoy to the Swiss Cantons." — M. He
had been a Papist. — S.
Marquis of Breadalbane. — "He is cunning as a fox, wise
as a serpent, but sHppery as an eel." — M. A blundering, rat-
tle-pated, drunken sot. — S.
Mr. Carrstairs. — "He is the cunningest subtle dissembler
in England; a dangerous enemy because always hid. He
is a fat, sanguine-complexioned, fair man; always smiling'
when he deigns most mischief; a good friend when he is
sincere." — M. A true character, but not strong enough by
a fiftieth part. — S.
Philip, Earl of Chesterfield. — "He is above sixty years
old." — M. If it be old Lord Chesterfield, I have heard he
was the greatest knave in England. — S.
Lord Choimondeley. — "Hath good sense." — M. Good
for nothing, as far as I ever knew. — S.
Lord Delaware. — "A free jolly gentleman." — M. Of very
little sense ; but formal, and well stored with the low kind of
the lowest politics. — S.
Charles, Earl of Dorset. — "Of great learning." — M.
vSmall or none. — S. "He is still one of the pleasantest men
in the world, when he likes his company." — M. Not of late
years, but a very dull one. — S.
Earl of Feversham. — "Turned of fifty years old." — M. A
very dull old fellow. — S.
Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun. — "So zealous an asserter of
the liberties of the people, that he is too jealous of the grow-
ing power of all princes." — M. A most arrogant, conceited
pedant in politics; cannot endure the least contradiction in
any of his visions or paradoxes. — S.
Charles, Duke of Grafton. — "A very pretty gentleman."
— M. Almost a slobberer, without one good quality. — S.
Earl of Grantham. — "A very pretty gentleman." — M.
Good for nothing. — S.
Lord Gray of Wark. — "A zealous asserter of the liberties
of the people." — M. Had very little in him. — S.
Lord Guilford. — "Does not want sense." — M. A mighty
silly fellow — S.
Sir Charles Hare. — "Hath good understanding, and
abundance of learning."— M. His father was a groom; he
was a man of sense, without one grain of honesty. — S.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 127
Mr. Hill. — "He is a favorite to both parties." — M. To
neither. — S.
Secretary Johnstoun. — "He is very honest, yet something
too credulous and suspicious. He would not tell a lie for
the world.'' — M. A treacherous knave. One of the greatest
knaves even in Scotland. — S.
Earl of Kent. — "Has good sense." — M. He seems a good-
natured man, but of very little consequence. — S.
Earl of Lindsey. — "Has both wit and learning." — M. I
never observed a grain of either. — S.
Lord Lucas. — "He is every way a very plain man." — M.
A good plain humdrum. — S.
Mr. Mansel. — "He is a gentleman of a great deal of wit
and good nature." — M. But of very moderate capacity. — S.
Duke of Montague. — "An admirer of learning and
learned men." — M. As great a knave as any in his time. — S.
Marquis of Montrose. — "He inherits great qualities."
— M. Now very homely, and makes a sorry appearance.
— S.
Duke of Richmond. — "Good-natured to a fault." — M. A
shallow coxcomb. — S.
Earl of Sandwich. — "Of very ordinary parts." — M. As
much a puppy as ever I saw. — S.
Mr. Smith.— "A bold orator."— M. I thought him a
heavy man. — S.
Earl of Stamford. — "A very honest man." — M. He
looked and talked like a very weak man ; but it was said he
spoke well in council. — S.
George Stepney. — "One of the best poets now in Eng-
land."— ^M. Scarce a third rate. — S.
Archbishop Tenison. — "A plain, good heavy man." — M.
The most good-for-nothing prelate I ever knew. — S.
Earl of Weems. — "A fine personage, and very beautiful."
— M. He was a black man, and handsome for a Scot. — S.
The characters of the Dukes of Marlborough and Somer-
set, the Duchess of Marlborough, the Earls of Godolphin,
Sunderland, and Wharton, Nottingham and Lord Cow-
per, are delineated in the history of the last four years of
Queen Anne, to which we refer our readers.
128 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
L'Abbe Desfontaines, the first translator of Gulliver's
Travels into French, terrified by the boldness of Swift's phil-
osophic speculations, suppressed and altered several pas-
sages ; such a proceeding might be pardoned at a time when
a rigid censorship v/as exercised over the press, but the
same leniency cannot be shown to his numerous interpola-
tions, which completely change the character of the work.
One of these unfortunate additions is, however, not devoid
of interest; it continues with considerable humor Swift's
account of the manners and customs of Lilliput, and con-
tains some valuable hints on the subject of education,
worthy of the pen of Voltaire's, great antagonist. As the
Abbe's translation is scarcely known in England, we shall,
add this passage as a specimen of his interpolations:
'The Lilliputians surpass most ^European nations in the
attention bestowed on the education of children. They
compare instruction to horticulture. It is not enough, say
they, to sow the seed and produce the plants, their growth
must be tended with fostering care; they must be sheltered
against winter's bitter blasts, and summer's scorching heats,
the attacks of insects must be repelled, the skillful gardener
must tend the opening of the bud and the unfolding of the
blossom, or he has no right to expect perfect and ripened
fruit. They take care that the teacher should have a well-
balanced mind rather than a lofty intellect; they look to his
morals rather than his science. They cannot endure those
pedantic teachers who cram their pupils with grammatical
niceties, frivolous discussions, and idle puerilities; they do
not explain the structure of the living language by refer-
ence to a dead language with which it has very few relations;
their grammar is not a system of dry rules and tedious ex-
ceptions; they make their pupils learn the proprieties of
speech by usage and custom, by familiarizing them with
examples taken from the best writers, instead of burdening
their memory with the complexities of syntax and the nice-
ties of prosody. They are anxious that the teacher should
be familiar and friendly with his pupils, nothing in their
opinion being more averse to a sound education than
pedantry, and a morose affection of dignity. They insist
that the master should rather descend to the level of his
scholar than aim at rising far above him ; and they believe
that the former is a far more difficult acquirement than the
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 129
latter, condescension requiring more tact, delicacy, and
strength of mind, than the assumption of superiority.
"They insist that teachers should endeavor rather to train
youthful minds for the active pursuits of real life than to load
them with rare and curious stores of knowledge, which are
not capable of practical application. Consequently, they
teach them from the outset to be prudent and discreet, so
that in the very season of enjoyment they should know how
to moderate their indulgence in pleasure. Is it not ridicu-
lous, say tUey, to defer moral instruction to the very last, to
place ethics at the end, and not at the beginning of the
course; to keep people ignorant of the real nature and use
of the enjoyments of life until the season when they can
be best appreciated is past; to teach the arts of life only
when death is near at hand, and to point out the proper pur-
poses of existence, only when that existence is drawing to
its close?
''They reward their children for a prompt and ready con-
fession of their faults; and they bestow grace and favors on
those who can give the best account and explanation of their
errors. A great object of their system is to stimulate the
curiosity of the young; they encourage them to ask ques-
tions about everything they see and hear, and they punish
severely those who have witnessed any extraordinary event
or phenomenon without manifesting curiosity or astonish-
ment.
"They inculcate the most dutiful obedience and loyalty to
the sovereign, but at the same time they exert themselves
to prevent this feeling from degenerating into slavish sub-
mission, by carefully distinguishing between the respect due
to the station of governing power and the personal attach-
ment which belongs only to individuals. They believe that
the confusion of the two principles has often grievously
wounded the conscience, exposed liberty to imminent dan-
gers, and produced great misfortunes to states.
"Lecturers on history take less trouble to teach their pu-
pils the dates of events, than to explain the characters, the
good and evil dispositions of kings, of generals and of states-
men, and also to show how far their natural propensities
may be supposed to have been modified by circumstances.
They believe that it is of little value to know that such a bat-
tle was fought in such or such a year; but that it is im-
ibO GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
portant to consider what multitudes of men in every century
have been barbarous, brutal, unjust, sanguinary^, always
ready to throw away their own lives without necessity, and
attack the lives of others without cause. How many wars
have been waged which were positively disgraceful to hu-
manity, and how powerful the motives nmst have been that
led to such fatal results. They deem the history of the prog-
ress of human intelligence the best of all histories, and they
are anxious that their pupils should estimate facts rather
than merely retain them in the memory.
"They are anxious that a love for the sciences should be
limited, and that each pupil should choose the branch of
study most in accordance with his talents and inclinations;
they esteem a man who reads too much, as scarcely better
than a man who eats too much; asserting that the mind is
subject to indigestion as well as the body. The emperor
alone possesses a large and extensive library. The private
bibliomaniacs who accumulate large collections of volumes,
are contemptuously called 'donkeys laden with books.'
''Philosophy with these people is a cheerful and lively
study, not as with us, smothered beneath the solemn trifling
and pedantic jargon of the schools. They know nothing of
syllogisms, categories, first and second intentions and the
other cramboes and follies of dialectics. Their philosophy
consists in establishing infallible principles, which lead the
mind to prefer the moderate condition of an honest man to
the riches and pride of a financier; and they honor the vic-
tories obtained over the passions more than the greatest
triumphs won by conquerors. It teaches them to live tem-
perately, to avoid every species of voluptuous indulgence,
to shun everything which tends to render the mind de-
pendent on the body, and thus destroys the freedom of the
understanding.
"Pupils are exhorted to choose their future pursuits with
great deliberation, and endeavors are made to guide them
in the selection of the most suitable course; less regard is
paid to property than to intelligence, so that the son of a
laborer is often a minister of state, and the son of a lord
engaged in trade. Physic and mathematics are esteemed in
Lilliput only so far as their sciences are profitable to actual
life and the progress of the useful arts. In general they have
little anxiety to be acquainted with every part of the uni-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 131
verse, and they prefer enjoying nature without examination
to reasoning on the order and motion of pTiysical bodies.
With regard to metaphysics, they look upon the entire sub-
ject as the baseless fabric of a vision.
'They hate all affectation in language and style, whether
in verse or prose ; and they say that peculiarities of expres-
sion are not less contemptible than peculiarities of dress.
An author who quits the natural style to indulge in bombas-
tic language, extraordinary metaphors, and quaint figures,
is hissed and hooted through the streets like a monk at the
carnival.
'The mind and body are cultivated at the same time by
the Lilliputians; for the object of education is to form a
man, and therefore no part of his nature should be neg-
lected. They compare the soul and body to two steeds
yoked under a carriage, mischief must rise if one goes faster
than the other. Whilst you devote your attention exclu-
sively to the child's mind, say they, his figure m.ay become
distorted, his strength weakened, or his health injured;
if you only attend to the person, the mind lies fallow and
may soon be overgrown by the seeds of stupidity and ig-
norance.
'Tt is forbidden to inflict any painful chastisement on chil-
dren; they are punished by withholding some enjoyment,
by shame, or by the privation of two or three lessons: the
last mortifies them extremely, because they seem to be
abandoned to themselves and declared unworthy of instruc-
tion. Pain, in their opinion, tends only to render children
cowards, and timidity is a very prejudicial defect, which
can rarely, if ever, be cured."
TO QUINBUS FLESTRIN, THE MAN-MOUNTAIN.
AN ODE.
BY TITTY TIT, ESQ.
POET LAUREATE TO HIS MAJESTY OF LILLIPUT.
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH.
In amaze.
Lost, I gaze!
Can our eyes
Reach thy size?
May my lays
Swell with praise!
13^ GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Worthy thee!
Worthy me!
Muse inspire
All thy fire.
Bards of old
Of him told,
When they said
^ Atlas' head
r Propp'd the skies:
See, and believe your eyes.
See him stride
Valleys wide:
Over woods,
Over floods,
When he treads.
Mountains' heads
Groan and shake;
Armies quake,
Lest his spurn
Overturn
Man and steed:
Troops take heed!
Left and right.
Speed your flight!
Lest an host
Beneath his feet be lost.
Turn'd aside
From his hide.
Safe from wound
Darts rebound;
From his nose
Clouds he blows;
When he speaks.
Thunder breaks!
When he eats,
Famine threats;
When he drinks,
Neptune shrinks!
Nigh thy ear.
In mid air;
On thy hand
Let me stand
So shall I,
Lofty poet, touch the sky.
A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG;
CHAPTER I.
GREAT STORM DESCRIBED; THE LONG BOAT SENT TO FETCH
WATER— THE AUTHOR GOES WITH IT TO DISCOVER THE
COUNTRY-HE IS LEFT ON SHORE, IS SEIZED BY ONE OF
THE NATIVES, AND CARRIED TO A FARMER'S HOUSE-HIS
RECEPTION, WITH SEVERAL ACCIDENTS THAT HAP-
PENED THERE— A DESCRIPTION OF THE INHABITANTS.
An active and restless life having been assigned me by
nature and fortune, in two months after my return I again
left my native country and took shipping in the Downs on
the 20th day of June, 1702, in the Adventure, Captain John
t^'^^®* existence of giants as a distinct race, superior in strength
J^9 ?5u ® *° ^^® ^^^^ °^ mankind, was long maintained as an article
9r taith, not merely by the ignorant and vulgar, but by men of learn-
ing. Accordmg to the Kabbins, Adam was not only the first, but the
largest of mankind; they affirm that when he was created, his stature
was so great that his head reached the heavens. This so annoyed
tne angels that they rem.onstrated with the Creator, upon which God
placed his hand on Adam's head, and he instantly shrank into one
thousand cubits. When the Garden of Eden was disjoined from the
rest of the world after the Pall, by the interposition of the ocean,
they assert that Adam waded through the depths to his new habita-
tion, and that Eve accompanied him without fear of drowning; which
she might well do if, as the Mohammedan doctors tell us, when her
head lay on a hill near Mecca, her knees rested on two others in the
plain, more than two bowshots asunder.
Not only Jewish but Christian writers have maintained that a
gigantic antediluvian race was produced by the intercourse between
the sons of God and "daughters of men" (Gen. 6: 5). And they aver
that these giants were destroyed by the universal deluge. Hence the
S^VfZ version renders Job 26: 5: "Behold the giants groan under the
r^i r^' ^"^ ^^^y ^^^^ ^w^^^ with them. Hell is naked before them,
and there is no coyer for perdition." To this sublime version the
following comment is added: "Giants were not able to wade in Noah'.<=t
nood, but were drowned with the rest." The Rabbins, however, make
an exception m favor of Og, king of Basan, compared to whom, ac-
cording to their legends, all other giants were mere Lilliputians. Th€
waters Of the Q^luge, they say, only reached to his knees, and he was
alive at the time or Exodus, when God destroyed him by the hand of
Moses. jHor Og, perceiving the advance of the Israelites, whose army
covered a space of nine miles, cut a stone out of a mountain, so wide
tnat it vrould have covered the whole army and he put it on his head
that he might throw it upon them. But God sent a lapwing which
pecked a hole through the stone, so that it slipped over Og's head,
134 GULLIVER'S TRAVBLte.
Nicholas, a Cornishman, commander, bound for Surat. We
had a very prosperous gale till we arrived at the Cape of
Good Hope, where we landed for fresh v/ater; but discov-
and hung- round his neck like a necklace. The weight bore him to
the ground on his face, and in this condition he was attacked by
Moses. Moses was ten cubits in stature and he took a spear ten
cubits long, and threw it ten cubits high, and yet it only reached
Og's heels. Moses, however, succeeded in slaying him; and when i;5e
v,7as dead, his body lay for a whole year, reaching as far as the river
Nile in Egypt.
The feats of the giants who warred against the gods are sufficiently
known, and they may be passed over as purely mythological. But
brave historians have recorded that Scandinavia was originally in-
habited by giants, one of whom, according to Olaus Magnus, was an
eminent poet; and, unlike the rest of the tuneful brotherhood, wrote
against indulgence in love and wine, Britain, if we may trust
Grafton's Chronicle, was similarly tenanted: "Brute with his com-
panie after his first landing in the island of Totnesse searched and
travailed throughout all the land, and found the same to be mar-
velous ryche and plentiful of wood and pasture and garnished with
most goodly and pleasant ryvers and stremes; and as he passed he
was encountered in sundry places with a great number of mightie
and strong gyants, which at that time did inhabite the same."
A belief in the existence of whole nations of giants is only now
beginning to fade away before the gradual progress of geographical
discovery. The ancients supposed that giants possessed the interior
of Africa. In the time of Purchas (A. JJ. 16i4), the Indians of Virginia
were supposed to belong to the race of Anak for he gives the fol-
lowing account of a Virginian tribe, on the authority of Alexander
Whitaker, an early traveler in these regions: "The Sasquesahanockes
are a giantly people, strange in proportion, behavior, and attire, their
voice sounding trom them as out of a cave, their attire of bears' skins,
hanged with bears' paws, the head of a wolf, and such like jewels;
and (if any one would have a spoone to eat with the divele> their
tobacco pipes were three-quarters of a yard long, carved at the great
end with a bird, beare, or other device, sufficient to beat out the
braines of a horse (and how many asses' braines are beat out or
rather men's braines smoked out and asses' braines haled in, by our
lessee pipes at home?), the rest of their furniture was suitable. The
calf of one of their legges was measured three-quarters of a yard
about, the rest of his limbs proportionable." The exaggerated ac-
counts of the Patagonians, published by Magellan and Le Maire
had not been refuted in Swift's time; so late as 1764, Commodore
Byron declared that their stature filled him with astonishment.
Hence Brobdingnag, considered merely as a fiction, did not seem so
extravagant in the early part of the eighteenth as it does in the nine-
teenth century.
Lucian in his True History, and Bishop Godwin in his whimsicai
account of Domingo Gonsales' journey to the moon, have introduced
g-igantic races into their fictions. It is very probable that Swift took
his first hint of the Brobdingnagians from the latter; for, like the
bishop, he associates mildness and gentleness with enormous stature.
"Many of the lunarians," says the author of the World in the Moon,
"live wonderful long, even beyond belief; affirming to me that some
survived thirty thousand moons, which is above a thousand years;
p.nd this is generally noted, that the taller people are of stature the
more excellent are their endowments of mind, and the longer time
they live; for their stature is very different, great numbers not much
exceeding ours, who seldom live above a thousand moons, which is
fourscore of our years. These they account base unworthy crea-
tures, but one degree above brute beasts, and employ them in mean and
servile offices, calling them bastards, counterfeits, or changelings.
Those whom they account true natural lunars, or moon-men, exceed
ours generally thirty times, both in quantity of body and length of
life, proportionable to the quality of the day In both worlds; theli?5
containing' almost thirty of our days,"
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 135
ering a leak, we unshipped our goods and wintered there;
for the captain faihng sick of an ague, we could not leave
the Cape till the end of March. We then set sail, and had a
good voyage till we passed the straits of Madagascar; but
having got northward of that island, and to about five de-
grees south latitude, the winds, which in those seas are ob-
served to blow a constant equal gale between the north and
west, from the beginning of December to the beginning of
May, on the 19th of April began to blow with much greater
violence and more westerly than usual, continuing so for
twenty days together; during which time we were driven a
little to the east of the Molucca Islands, and about three de-
grees northward of the line, as our captain found by an ob-
servation he took the 2d of May, at which time the wind
ceased, and it was a perfect calm ; whereat I was not a little
rejoiced. But he being a man well experienced in the navi-
gation of those seas, bid us all prepare against a storm,
which accordingly happened on the day following; for the
southern wind, called the southern monsoon, began to set in.
Finding it wa^ likely to overblow,"-^' v/e took in our sprit-
sail, and stood by to hand the foresail; but, making foul
weather, we looked if the guns were all fast, and handed
the mizzen. The ship lay very broad off, so we thought it
better spooning before the sea, then trying or hulling. We
reefed the foresail and set him, and hauled aft the foresheet:
the helm was hard-a-weather. The ship v/ore bravely.
We belayed the fore downhaul ; but the sail was split, and
we hauled down the yard and got the sail into the ship, and
unbound all the things clear of it. It was a very fierce
storm; the sea broke strange and dangerous. We hauled
off upon the laniard of the whipstaff and helped the man at
the helm. We could not get down our toprnast, but let all
stand, because she scudded before the sea very well, and we
knew that the topmast being aloft, the ship v/as the whole-
somer and made better way through the sea, seeing we had
sea-room. When the storm was over we set foresail and
mainsail and brought the ship to. Then we set the mizzen,
maintopsail and the foretopsail. Our course was east-north-
east, and the wind was at southwest. We got the starboard
tacks aboard, we cast off our v/eather braces and lifts; we
* This is a parody upon the accoimt of storms and naval manoeu-
yers frequent m old voyages, and is merely an assemblage of sea-
terms put together at random.
136 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
set in the lee braces and hauled forward by the weather-
bowlings, and hauled them tight, and belayed them, and
hauled over the mizzen-tack to windward, and kept her full
and by as near as she would lie. During this storm, which
was followed by a strong wind west-south-west, we were
carried, by my computation, about five hundred leagues to
the east, so that the oldest sailor on board could not tell in
what part of the world we were. Our provisions held out
well, our ship was stanch, and our crew all in good health ;
but we lay in the utmost distress for water. W^e thought it
best to hold on the same course, rather than turn more
northerly, which might have brought us to the northwest
part of Great Tartary and into the Frozen Sea.
On the 1 6th day of June, 1703, a boy on the topmast dis-
covered land. On the 17th we came in full view of a great
island, or continent (for we knew not whether); on the
south side whereof was a small neck of land jutting out into
the sea, and a creek too shallow to hold a ship of above one
hundred tons. We cast anchor within a league of this creek,
and our captain sent a dozen of his meruwell armed in the
long-boat, with vessels for water, if any could be found. I
desired his leave to go with them, that I might see the coun-
try and make what discoveries I could. When we came to
land we saw no river, or spring, nor any sign of inhabitants.
Our men therefore wandered on the shore to find out some
fresh water near the sea, and I walked alone about a mile on
the other side, where I observed the country all barren and
rocky. I now began to be weary, and seeing nothing to en-
tertain my curiosity, I returned gently towards the creek;
and the sea being full in my view, I saw our men already
got into the boat and rowing for life to the ship. I was
going to holla after them, although it had been to little pur-
pose, when I observed a huge creature walking after them
in the sea, as fast as he could; he waded not much deeper
than his knees, and took prodigious strides: but our men
had the start of him half a league, and the sea there-abouts
being full of sharp-pointed rocks, the monster was not able
to overtake the boat. This I was afterwards told, for I durst
not stay to see the issue of the adventure, but ran as fast as
I could the way I first went, and then climbed up a steep hill,
w^hlch gave me some prospect of the country. I found it
fully cultivated; but that which first surprised me was the
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 137
length of the grass, which, in those grounds that seemed to
be kept for hay, was about twenty feet high.
I fell into a highroad, for so I took it to be, though it
served to the inhabitants only as a foot-path through a field
of barley. Here I walked on for some time, but could see
little on either side, it being now near harvest, and the corn
rising at least forty feet. I was an hour walking to the end
of this field, which was fenced in with a hedge of at least one
hundred and twenty feet high, and the trees so lofty that I
could make no computation of their altitude. There was a
stile to pass from this field into the next. It had four steps,
and a stone to cross over when you come to the uppermost.
It was impossible for me to climb this stile, because every
step was six feet high, and the upper stone about twenty.
I was endeavoring to find some gap in the hedge, when I
discovered one of the inhabitants in the next field, advanc-
ing towards the stile, of the same size with him whom I saw
in the sea pursuing our boat. He appeared as tall as an or-
dinary spire steeple, and took about ten yards at every
stride, as near as I could guess. I was struck with the ut-
most fear and astonishment, and ran to hide myself in the
corn, whence I saw him at the top of the stile looking back
into the next field, on the right hand, and heard him call in
a voice many degrees louder than a speaking-trumpet; but
the noise was so high in the air, that at first I certainly
thought it was thunder. Whereupon seven monsters, like
himself, came towards him, with reaping-hooks in their
hands, each hook about the largeness of six scythes. These
people were not so well clad as the first, whose servants or
laborers they seemed to be; for, upon some words he spoke,
they went to reap the corn in the field where I lay. I kept
from them at as great distance as I could, but was forced to
move with extreme difficulty, for the stalks of corn were
sometimes not above a foot distant, so that I could hardly
squeeze my body betwixt them. However, I made a shift
to go forward, till I came to a part of the field where the corn
had been laid by the rain and wind. Here it was impossible
for me to advance a step ; for the stalks were so interwoven,
that I could not creep through, and the beards of the fallen
ears so strong and pointed, that they pierced through my
clothes into my flesh. At the same time I heard the reaper?
not abov^ a hundred yards behind me. Being quite dk
138 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
pirited with toil, and wholly overcome by grief and despair,
I lay down between two ridges, ana neartily wished I might
there end my days. I bemoaned my desolate widow and
fatherless children. I lamented my own folly and wilfulness,
in attempting a second voyage, against the advice of all
my friends and relations. In this terrible agitation of mind,
I could not forbear thinking of Lilliput, whose inhabitants
looked upon me as the greatest prodigy that ever appeared
in the world; vv^here I was able to draw an imperial fleet in
my hand, and perform those other actions, which will be
recorded forever in the chronicles of that empire, while
posterity shall hardly believe them, although attested by
millions. I reflected what a mortification it must prove to
me to appear as inconsiderable in this nation, as one single
Lilliputian would be among us. But this I conceived was to
be the least of my misfortunes; for, as human creatures are
observed to be more savage and cruel in proportion to their
bulk, what could I expect but to be a morsel in the mouth of
the first among these enormous barbarians that should hap-
pen to seize me? Undoubtedly philosophers are in the right
when they tell us that nothing is great or little otherwise
than by comparison. It might have pleased fortune, to have
let the Lilliputians find some nation where the people were
as diminutive with respect to them, as they were to me. And
who knows but that even this prodigious race of mortals
might be equally over-matched in some distant part of the
world, whereof we have yet no discovery?*
Scared and confounded as I was, I could not forbear go-
ing on with these reflections, Vv^hen one of the reapers ap-
proaching within ten yeards of the ridge where I lay, made
me apprehend that vv^ith the next step I should be squashed
to death under his foot, or cut in two with his reaping-
hook. And, therefore, when he was again about to move,
I screamed as loud as fear could make me: whereupon the
huge creature trod short, and looking round about under
him for some time, at last espied me as I lay on the ground.
He considered awhile, with the caution of one who endeav-
ors to lay hold on a small dangerous animal in such a man-
* The satire in the account of the Voyajfre to Lilliput is for the most
part personal, but in the account of Brobding-nag' the satire is general,
and directed against institutions rather than individuals. There are,
however, a few sarcastic hits in the account given of the court of
Brobdingnag, which bore hard on the statesmen of the day.— Percy,
Bishop of Dromore, MS,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 139
ncr that it shall not be able either to scratch or bite him,
as I myself have sometimes done with a weasel in Eng-
land. At length he ventured to take me behind, by the mid-
dle, between his forefinger and thumb, and brought me
within three yards of his eyes, that he might behold my
shape more perfectly. I guessed his meaning, and my good
fortune gave me so much presence of mind, that I resolved
not to struggle in the least as he held me in the air above
sixty feet from the ground, although he previously pinched
my sides, for fear I should slip through his fingers. All I
ventured was to raise mine eyes toward the sun and place
my hands together in a supplicating posture, and to speak
some words in an humble melancholy tone, suitable to the
condition I then was in; for I apprehended every moment
that he would dash me against the ground, as we usually
do any little hateful animal which we have a mind to destroy.
But my good star would have it, that he appeared pleased
with my voice and gestures, and began to look upon me as
a curiosity, much wondering to hear me pronounce artic-
ulate words, although he could not understand them. In
the meantime I vvas not able to forbear groaning and
shedding tears, and turning my head towards my sides;
letting him know, as well as I could, how cruelly I was hurt
by the pressure of his thumb and finger. He seemed to ap-
prehend my meaning; for, lifting up the lappet of his coat,
he put me gently into it, and immediately ran along with me
to his master, who was a substantial farmer, and the same
person I had first seen in the field.
The farmer having (as I suppose by their talk) received
such an account of me as his servant could give him, took
a piece of a small straw, about the size of a walking-staff,
and therewith lifted up the lappets of my coat, which, it
seems, he thought to be some kind of covering that nature
had given me. He blew my hair aside to take a better
view of my face. He called his hands about him, and asked
them, as I afterwards learned, ''Whether they had ever seen
in the fields any little creature that resembled me?" he then
placed me softly on the ground on all fours, but I immedi-
ately got up, and walked slowly backward and forvv^ard, to
let those people see I had no intent to run away. They all
sat down in a circle about me, the better to observe my
motions. I pulled off my hat, and made a low bow towards
140 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the farmer. I fell on my knees, and lifted up my hands and
eyes, and spoke several words as loud as I could; I took
a purse of gold out of my pocket, and humbly presented it
to him. He received it on the palm of his hand, and then
applied it close to his eye to see what it was, and afterwards
turned it several times with the point of a pin (which he
took out of his sleeve), but could make nothing of it.
Whereupon I made a sign that he should place his hand
on the ground. I then took the purse, and opening it,
poured all the gold into his palm. There were six Spanish
pieces of four pistoles each, beside twenty or thirty smaller
coins. I saw him wet the tip of his little linger upon his
tongue, and take up one of my largest pieces, and then an-
other : but he seemed to be wholly ignorant what they were.
He made me a sign to put them again into my purse, and
the purse again into my pocket, which after offering it to
him several times, I thought it best to do.
The farmer by this time, was convinced I must be a
rational creature. He spoke often to me, but the sound of
his voice pierced my ears like that of a watermill, yet his
words were articulate enough. I answered as loud as I
could in several languages, and he often laid his ear within
two yards of me, but all in vain, for we were wholly unin-
telligible to each other. He then sent his servants to their
work and taking his handkerchief out of his pocket, he
doubled and spread it on his left hand, which he placed flat
on the ground with the palm upward, making me a sign to
step into it, as I could easily do, for it was not above a foot
in thickness. I thought it my part to obey, and, for fear of
falling, laid myself at full length upon the handkerchief,
with the remainder of which he lapped me up to the head
for farther security, and in this manner carried me home to
his house. There he called his wife, and showed me to her;
but she screamed and ran back, as women in England do
at the sight of a toad or a spider. However, when she had
awhile seen my behavior, and how well I observed the
signs her husband made, she was soon reconciled, and by
degrees grew extremely tender of me.
It was about twelve at noon and a servant brought in
dinner. It was only one substantial dish of meat (fit for the
plain condition of a husbandman), in a dish of about four-
and-twenty feet diameter. The company were, the farmer
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 141
and his wife, three children, and an old grandmother. When
they were sat down, the farmer placed me at some distance
from him on the table, which was thirty feet high from the
floor. I w^as in a terrible fright, and kept as far as I could
from the edge, for fear of falling. The wife minced a bit of
meat, then crumbled some bread on a trencher, and placed
it before me. I made her a low bow, took out my knife and
fork, and fell to eat, which gave them exceeding delight.
The mistress sent her maid for a small dram cup, which
held about two gallons and filled it with drink ; I took up the
vessel with much difficulty in both hands, and in a most re-
spectful manner drank to her ladyship's health, expressing
the words as loud as I could in English, which made the
company laugh so heartily that I was almost deafened
with the noise. This liquor tasted like a small cider, and
was not unpleasant. Then the master made me a sign
to come to his trencher side; but as I walked on the table,
being at great surprise all the time, as the indulgent reader
will easily conceive and excuse, I happened to stumble
against a crust, and fell fiat on my face, but received no hurt.
I got up immediately, and observing the good people to be
in much concern, I took my hat (which I held under my
arm out of good manners), and waving it over my head,
gave three huzzas, to show I had got no mischief by my fall.
But, advancing forward toward my master (as I shall hence-
forth call him), his youngest son, who sat next to him, an
arch boy of about ten years old, took me up by the legs, and
held me so high in the air that I trembled in every limb;
but his father snatched me from him, and at the same time
gave him such a box on the left ear as would have felled an
European troop of horses to the earth, ordering him to
be taken from the table. But being afraid the boy might
owe me a spite, and well remembering how mischievous
all children among us naturally are to sparrows, rabbits,
young kittens, and puppy dogs, I fell on my knees, and
pointing to the boy, made my master to understand as well
as I could, that I desired his son might be pardoned. The
father complied, and the lad took his seat again, whereupon
I went to him. and kissed his hand, which my master took,
and made him stroke me gently with it.
In the midst of dinner, my mistress's favorite cat leaped
into her lap. I heard a noise behind me like that of a dozen
142 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
stocking-weavers at work; and turning my head, I found
it proceeding from the purring of that animal, who seemed
to be three times larger than an ox, as I computed by the
view of her head, and one of her paws, while her mistress
was feeding and stroking her. The fierceness of this
creature's countenance altogether discomposed me; though
I stood at the farther end of the table, above fifty feet off;
and though my mistress held her fast, for fear she might
give a spring, and seize me in her talons. But it happened
there was no danger, for the cat took not the least notice
of me, when my master placed me within three yards of her.
And as I have been always told, and found true by experi-
ence in my travels, that flying or discovering fear before a
fierce animal, is a certain way to make it pursue or attack
you, so I resolved, in this dangerous juncture, to show no
manner of concern. I walked with intrepidity five or six
times before the very head of the cat, and came within half
a yard of her; whereupon she drew herself back, as if she
were more afraid of me. I had less apprehension concern-
ing the dogs, whereof three or four came into the room, as
it is usual in farmers' houses; one of which w^as a mastiff,
equal in bulk to four elephants, and a greyhound somewhat
taller than the mastiff, but not so large.
When dinner was almost done, the nurse came in with a
child of a year old in her arms, who immediately spied me,
and began a squall that you might have heard from Lon-
don Bridge to Chelsea, after the usual oratory of infants, to
get me for a plaything. The mother, out of pure indulgence,
took me up, and put me towards the child, who presently
seized me by the middle, and got my head into his mouth,
where I roared so loud that the urchin was frighted, and let
me drop, and I should infallibly have broke my neck, if the
mother had not held her apron under me. The nurse, to
quiet her babe made use of a rattle, which was a kind of hol-
low vessel filled with great stones, and fastened by a cable to
the child's waist; but all in vain; so that she was forced to
apply the last remedy by giving it suck. I must confess no
object ever disgusted me so much as the sight of her mon-
strous breast, which I cannot tell what to compare with, so
as to give the curious reader an idea of its bulk, shape, and
color. It stood prominent six feet, and could not be less
than sixteen in circumference. The nipple was about half
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 143
the bigness of my head, and the hue both of that and the
dug, so varied with spots, pimples, and freckles, that noth-
ing could appear more nauseous: for I had a near sight of
her, she sitting down, the more conveniently to give suck,
and I standing on the table. This made me reflect upon the
fair skins of our English ladies, who appear so beautiful to
us, only because they are of our own size, and their defects
not to be seen but through a magnifying glass; where we
find by experiment, that the smoothest and whitest skins
look rough, coarse, and ill-colored.
I remember, when I was at Lilliput, the complexions of
those diminutive people appeared to me the fairest in the
world; and talking upon the subject with a person of learn-
ing there, who was an intimate friend of mine, he said that
my face appeared much fairer and smoother when he looked
on me from the ground, than it did upon a nearer view,
when I took him up in my hand and brought him close,
which he confessed was at first a very shocking sight. He
said "he could discover great holes in my skin; that the
stumps of my beard w^re ten times stronger than the bristles
of a boar, and my complexion made up of several colors,
altogether disagreeable," although I must beg leave to say
for myself, that I am as fair as most of my sex and country,
and very little sunburned by all my travels. On the other
side, discoursing of the ladies in that emperor's court, he
used to tell me, ''one had freckles, another too wide a
mouth, a third too large a nose;" nothing of which I was
able to distinguish. I confess this reflection was obvious
enough ; which, however, I could not forbear, lest the read-
er might think those vast creatures were actually deformed :
for I must do them the justice to say, they are a comely race
of people; and particularly the features of my master's
countenance, although he were but a farmer, when I be-
held him from the height of sixty feet, appeared very well
proportioned.
Wheii dinner was done, my master went out to his labor-
ers, and as I could discover by his voice and gesture, gave
his wife a strict charge to take care of me. 1 was very much
tired and disposed to sleep, which my mistress perceiving,
she put me on her own bed, covered me with a clean white
handkerchief, but larger and coarser than the mainsail of a
man-of-war.
144 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
I slept about two hours, and dreamt I was at home with
my wife and children, which aggravated my sorrows when I
awaked,* and found myself alone, in a vast room, between
two and three hundred feet wide, and about two hundred
high, lying in a bed twenty yards wide. My mistress was
gone about her household affairs, and had locked me in. The
bed was eight yards from the floor. Some natural necessi-
ties required me to get down. I durst not presume to call;
and if I had, it would have been in vain, with such a voice
as mine, at so great a distance as from the room where I lay
to the kitchen where the family kept. While I was under
these circumstances, two rats crept up the curtains, and ran
smelling backwards and forwards on the bed. One of them
came up almost to my face, whereupon I rose in a fright,
and drew out my hanger to defend myself. These horrible
animals had the boldness to attack me on both sides, and
one of them held his forefeet on my collar; but I had the
good fortune to rip up his belly before he could do me any
mischief. He fell down at my feet; and the other, seeing
the fate of his comrade, made his escape, but not without
one good wound on the back, which I gave him as he fled,
and made the blood run trickling from him. After this
exploit, I walked gently to and fro on the bed, to recover
my breath and loss of spirits. These creatures were of the
size of a large mastiff, but infinitely more nimble and fierce ;
so that if I had taken off my belt before I went to sleep, I
must have infallibly been torn to pieces and devoured. I
measured the tail of the dead rat, and found it to be two
yards long, wanting an inch ; but it went against my stom-
ach to draw the carcass off the bed, where it lay still
bleeding. I observed it had yet some life, but with a strong
slash across the neck, I thoroughly dispatched it.
Soon after, my mistress came into the room, who seeing
me all bloody, ran and took me up in her hand. I pointed to
the dead rat, smiling, and making other signs, to show I
was not hurt, whereat she w^as extremely rejoiced, calling
the maid to take up the dead rat with a pair of tongs, and
throw it out of the window. Then she set me on a table,
where I showed her my hanger all bloody, and wiping it on
the lappet of my coat returned it to the scabbard. I was
♦ This ought to have been "awoke," the preterit of the verb neuter,
not "awaked," the preterit of the verb active.— Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 145
pressed to do more than one thing which another could not
do for me, and therefore endeavored to make my mistress
understand that I desired to be set down on the floor; which
after she had done, my bashfulness would not suffer me to
express myself farther, than by pointing to the door, and
bowing several times. The good woman, with much diffi-
culty, at last perceived what I would be at, and taking me
up again in her hand, walked into the garden, where she
set me down. I went on one side about two hundred yards,
and beckoning to her not to look or to follow me, I hid my-
self between two leaves of sorrel, and there discharged the
necessities of nature.
I hope the gentle reader will excuse me for dwelling on
these and tlie like particulars, which, however insignificant
they may appear to grovelling vulgar minds, yet will cer-
tainly help a philosopher to enlarge his thoughts and imag-
ination, and apply them to the benefit of public as private
life, which was my sole design in presenting this, and other
accounts of my travels, to the world; wherein I have been
chiefly studious of truth, without affecting any ornaments of
learning or of style. But the whole scene of this voyage
made so strong an impression on my mind, and is so deeply
fixed in my memory, that in committing it to paper I did not
omit one material circumstance; however, upon strict re-
view, I blotted out several passages of less moment, which
were in my first copy, for fear of being censured as tedious
and trifling, whereof travelers are often, perhaps not without
justice, accused.
CHAPTER II.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE FARMER'S DAUGHTER — THE
AUTHOR CARRIED TO A MARKET TOWN, AND THEN TO
THE METROPOLIS— THE PARTICULARS OF HIS JOURNEY.
My mistress had a daughter of nine years old, a child of
towardly parts for her age, very dexterous at her needle, and
skilful in dressing her baby. Her mother and she contrived
to fit up the baby's cradle for me against night: the cradle
10
146 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
was put into a small drawer of a cabinet, and the drawer
placed upon a hanging shelf for fear of the rats. This was
my bed all the time I stayed with those people, though made
more convenient by degrees, as I began to learn their lan-
guage and make my wants known. This young girl was so
handy, that after I had once or twice pulled off my clothes
before her, she was able to dress and undress me, though I
never gave her that trouble when she would let me do either
myself. She made me seven shirts, and some other Hnen, of
as fine cloth as could be got, which indeed was coarser than
sackcloth ; and these she constantly washed for me Vv^ith her
own hands. She was likewise my school-mistress, to teach
me the language; when I pointed to anything, she told mie
the name of it in her own tongue, so that in a few days I was
able to call for whatever I had a mind to. She was very
good-natured, and not above forty feet high, being little for
her age. She gave me the name of Grildrig, which the
family took up, and afterwards the whole kingdom. The
word imports what the Latins call nanunculusj the Italians
homu7iceletino, and the English mamiikin. To her I chiefly
owe my preservation in that country ; we never parted while
I was there; I called her my Glumdalclitch, or little nurse:
and should be guilty of great ingratitude, if I omitted this
which I heartily wish it lay in my power to requite as she
deserves, instead of being the innocent, but unhappy in-
strument of her disgrace, as I have too much reason to fear.
It now began to be known and talked of in the neighbor-
hood, that my master had found a strange animal in the
field, about the bigness of a splacnuck, but exactly shaped in
every part like a human creature; which it also imitated
in all its actions ; seemed to speak in a little language of its
own, had already learned several words of theirs, Vv^ent erect
upon two legs, was tame and gentle, would come when it
was called, do whatever it was bid, had the finest limbs in
the world, and a complexion fairer than a nobleman's
daughter of three years old. Another farmer, who lived
hard by, and was a particular friend of my master, came on
a visit on purpose to inquire into the truth of this story.
I was immediately produced and placed upon a table, where
I walked as I was commanded, drew my hanger, put it up
again, made my reverence to my master's guest, asked him
in his own language how he did, and told him he was wel-
GULLIVER'S TRAVEILS. 147
come, just as my little nurse had instructed me. This man,
who was old and dim-sighted, put on his spectacles to be-
hold me better; at which I could not forbear laughing very
heartily, for his eyes appeared like the full moon shining into
a chamber at two windows. Our people, who discovered the
cause of my mirth, bore me company in laughing, at which
the old fellow was fool enough to be angry, and out of
countenance. He had the character of a great miser; and,
to my misfortune, he well deserved it, by the cursed ad-
vice he gave my master, to show me as a sight upon a
market-day in the next town, which was half an hour's
riding, about two and twenty miles from our house. I
guessed there was some mischief contriving, when I ob-
served my master and his friend whispering long together,
sometimes pointing at me; and my fears made me fancy
that I overheard and understood some of their words. But
the next morning Glumdalclitch, my little nurse, told me
the whole matter, which she cunningly picked out from her
mother. The poor girl laid me on her bosom, and fell a
weeping with shame and grief. She apprehended some
mischief would happen to me from rude vulgar folks, who
might squeeze me to death, or break one of my limbs by
taking me in their hands. She had also observed how mod-
est I was in my nature, how nicely I regarded my honor, and
what an indignity I should conceive it to be exposed for
money as a public spectacle to the meanest of the people.
She said, her papa and mamma had promised that Grildrig
should be hers; but now she found they meant to serve
her as they did last year, when they pretended to give her a
lamb, and yet, as soon as it was fat, sold it to a butcher. For
my own part, I may truly affirm, that I was less concerned
than my nurse. I had a strong hope which never left me,
that I should one day recover my liberty and as to the ig-
nominy of being carried about for a monster, I considered
myself to be a perfect stranger in the country, and that such
a misfortune could never be charged upon me as a re-
proach, if ever I should return to England; since the king of
Great Britain himself, in my condition, must have under-
gone the same distress.
My master, pursuant to the advice of his friend, carried
me in a box the next market-day to the neighboring town,
and took along with him his little daughter, my nurse, upon
148 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
a pillion behind him. The box was close on every side, with
a little door for me to go in and out and a few gimlet-holes
to let in air. The girl had been so careful as to put the quilt
of her baby's bed into it for me to lie down on. However,
I was terribly shaken and discomposed in this journey,
though it were"^' but of half an hour; for the horse went
about forty feet at every step, and trotted so high, that the
agitation was equal to the rising and falling of a ship in a
great storm, but much more frequent. Our journey was
somewhat farther than from London to St. Albans. My
master alighted at an inn which he used to frequent; and
after consulting awhile with the innkeeper, and making
some necessary preparations, he hired the grultrud, or crier,
to give notice through the town, of a strange creature to be
seen at the sign of the Green Eagle, not so big as a splacnuck
(an animal in that country very finely shaped, about six feet
long), and in every part of the body resemlDling a human
creature, could speak several words, and perform a hundred
diverting tricks.
I was placed upon a table in the largest room of the inn,
^which might be near three hundred feet square. My little
nurse stood on a low^ stool close to the table to take care
of me, and direct what I should do. My master, to avoid
a crowd, would suffer only thirty people at a time to see
me. I walked about on the table as the girl commanded,
she asked me questions, as far as she knew my understand-
ing of the language reached, and I answered them as loud
as I could. I turned about several times to the company,
paid my humble respects, said they were welcome, and used
some other speeches I had been taught. I took up a thimble
tilled with liquor, which Glumdalclitch had given me for a
cup, and drank their health. I drew out my hanger, and
flourished with it after the manner of fencers in England.
My nurse gave me a part of a straw, which I exercised as a
pike, having learned the art in my youth. I was that day
shown to twelve sets of company, and as often forced to act
over again the same fopperies, till I was half dead with wear-
iness and vexation; for those who had seen me made such
wonderful reports, that the people were ready to break down
* The subjunctive mood is improperly used here; it should have
been the indicative, "though it was," instead of "though it were."—
Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 149
the doors to come in.* My master, for his own interest,
would not suffer any one to touch me except my nurse; and
to prevent danger, benches were set round the table at such
a distance as to put me out of everybody's reach. However,
an unlucky schoolboy aimed a hazlenut directly at my head,
which very narrowly missed me ; otherwise it came with so
much violence, that it would have infallibly knocked out
my brains, for it was almost as large as a small pumpkin;
but I had the satisfaction to see the young rogue well beaten,
and turned out of the room.
My master gave public notice that he would show me
again the next market-day; and in the meantime he pre-
pared a more convenient vehicle for me, which he had
reason enough to do; for I was so tired with my first jour-
ney, and with entertaining company for eight hours to-
gether, that I could hardly stand upon my legs, or speak a
word. It was at least three days before I recovered my
strength, and that I might have no rest at home, all the
neighboring gentlemen from a hundred miles round, hear-
ing of my fame, came to see me at my master's own house.
There could not be fewer than thirty persons with their
wives and children (for the country is very populous) ; and
my master demanded the rate of a full room whenever he
showed me at home, although it were only to a single^
family; so that for some time, I had but little ease every
day of the week, (except Wednesday, which is their Sab-
bath), although I was not carried to the town.
My master finding how profitable I was likely to be, re-
solved to carry me to the most considerable cities of the
kingdom. Having, therefore, provided himself with all
things necessary, for a long journey, and settled his affairs
at home, he took leave of his wife, and upon the 17th of
August, 1703, about two months after my arrival, we set
out for the metropolis, situate near the middle of that em-
pire, and about three thousand miles' distance from our
house. My master made his daughter Glumdalclitch ride
* The passion for shows and sight-seeing v/as never at a greater
^^¥^^ }P- England than during the reign of George I. ; and the wags
ot the day derived great amusement from practicing on the credulity
the people. Immense crowds assembled to see a man creep into a
quart Dottle, and when they discovered that they had been
deceived, were near destroying the house in their rage. Swift's works
contain several amusing parodies of the puffing placards in which
these exhibitions were announced.
150 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
behind him. She carried me on her lap, in a box tied about
her waist. The girl had lined it on all sides with the softest
cloth she could get, well quilted underneath, furnished it
with her baby's bed, provided me with linen and other neces-
saries, and made everything as convenient as she could.
We had no other company but a boy of the house, who rode
after us with the luggage.
My master's design was to show me in all the towns by the
way, and to step out of the road, for fifty or a hundred miles,
to any village or person of quality's house, where he might
expect custom. We made easy journeys, of not above
seven or eight score miles a day; for Glumdalclitch, on pur-
pose to spare me, complained she.was tired with the trotting
of the horse. She often took me out of the box, at my own
desire, to give me air, and show me the country, but always
held me fast by a leading-string. We passed over five or
six rivers, many degrees broader and deeper than the Nile
or the Ganges; and there was hardly a rivulet so small as
the Thames at London Bridge. We were ten weeks on our
journey, and I was shown in eighteen large towns, besides
many villages, and private families.
On the 26th day of October we arrived at the metropolis,
called in our language Lorbrulgrtid or Pride of the Uni-
verse. My master took a lodging in the principal street of
the city, not far from the royal palace, and put out bills in
the usual form, containing an exact description of my person
and parts. He hired a large room between three and four
hundred feet wide. He provided a table sixty feet in diame-
ter, upon which I was to act my part, and palisaded it round
three feet from the edge, and as many high, to prevent my
falling over. I was shown ten times a day, to the wonder
and satisfaction of all people. I could now^ speak the lan-
guage tolerably well, and perfectly understood every word
that was spoken to me. Besides, I had learned their alpha-
bet, and could make a shift to explain a sentence here and
there; for Glumdalclitch had been my instructor while we
were at home, and at leisure hours during our journey. She
carried a little book in her pocket, not much larger than a
Sanson's Atlas; it was a common treatise for the use of
young girls, giving a short account of their religion: out
of this she taught me my letters, and interpreted the words.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 15i
CHAPTER III.
THE AUTHOR SENT FOR TO COURT— THE QUEEN BUYS HIM
OF HIS MASTER THE FARMER, AND PRESENTS HIM TO
TPIE KING— HE DISPUTES WITH HIS MAJESTY'S GREAT
SCPIOLARS— AN APARTMENT AT COURT PROVIDED FOR
THE AUTHOR— HE IS IN HIGH FAVOR WITH THE QUEEN
—HE STANDS UP FOR THE HONOR OF HIS OV7N COUNTRY—
HIS QUARRELS WITH THE QUEEN'S DWARF.
Labors such as I underwent every day, made in a few
weeks, a very considerable change in my health: the more
my master got by me, the more insatiable he grew. I had
quite lost my stomach, and was almost reduced to a skele-
ton. The farmer observed it, and concluded I must soon
die, resolved to make as good a hand of me as he could.
While he was thus reasoning vv^ith himself, a sardral, or gen-
tleman-usher, came from court, commanding my master to
carry me immediately thither for the diversion of the <[ueen
and her ladies. Some of the latter had already been to see
me, and reported strange things of m.y beauty, behavior, and
good sense. Her majesty and those who attended her, were
beyond measure delighted with my demeanor. I fell on my
knees, and begged the honor of kissing her imperial foot;
but this gracious princess held out her little finger towards
me, after I was set on the table, vv^hich I embraced in both
my arms, and put the tip of it with the utmost respect to my
lip. She made me some general questions about my coun-
try and my travels, which I answered as distinctly, and in as
few v/ords as I could. She asked, ''whether I would be con-
tent to live at court?" I bowed down to the board of the
table, and humbly answered, ''that I v/as my master's slave;
but if I were at my ovv^i disposal, I should be proud to de-
vote my life to her majesty's service,'' She then asked my
master, "v\^hether he was willing to sell me at a good price?"
He, who apprehended I could not live a month, was ready
enough to part with me, and demanded a thousand pieces
of gold, which were ordered him on the spot, each piece be-
ing about the bigness of eight hundred moidores; but al-
152 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
lowing for the proportion of all things between that coun-
try and Europe, and the higher price of gold among them,
was hardly so great a sum as a thousand guineas would be
in England. I then said to the queen, "since I was now her
majesty's most humble creature and vassal, I must beg the
favor that Glumdalclitch, who had always tended me with
so much care and kindness, and understood to do it so well,
might be admitted into her service, and continue to be my
nurse and instructor."
Her majesty agreed to my petition, and easily got the
farmer's consent, who was glad enough to have his daugh-
ter preferred at court, and the poor girl herself was not able
to hide her joy. My late master withdrew, bidding me fare-
well, and saying he had left me in a good service ; to which
I replied not a word, only making him a slight bow.
The queen observed my coldness, and, when the farmer
was gone out of the apartment, asked me the reason. I
made bold to tell her majesty, "that I owed no other obliga-
tion to my late master, than his not dashing out the brains of
a poor harmless creature, found by chance in his fields,
which obligation was amply recompensed by the gain he
had made in showing me through half the kingdom, and
the' price he now sold me for. That the life I had since led,
was laborious enough to kill an animal of ten times my
strength. That my health was much impaired by the con-
tinual drudgery of entertaining the rabble every hour of
the day; and that, if my master had not thought my life in
danger, her majesty w^ould not have got so cheap a bar-
gain. But as I was out of all fear of being ill-treated, un-
der the protection of so great and good an emipress, the or-
nament of nature, the darling of the world, the delight of
her subjects, the phoenix of the creation; so I hoped my
late master's apprehensions would appear to be groundless ;
for I already found my spirits revive, by the influence of her
most august presence."
This was the sum of my speech, delivered with great im-
proprieties and hesitation. The latter part was altogether
framed in the style peculiar to that people, whereof I learned
some phrases from Glumdalclitch, while she was carrying
me to court.
The queen, giving great allowance for my defectiveness
in speaking, was however, surprised at so much wit and
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 153
good sense in so Hmrirtntivp qp^arnrnal She took me in her
own hand, and carried me to the king, who was then re-
tired to his cabinet. His majesty, a prince of much gravity
and austere countenance, not well observing my shape at
first view, asked the queen, after a cold manner, "how long it
was since she grew fond of a splaaiuck?^^ for such it seems
he took me to be, as I lay upon my breast in her majesty's
right hand. But this princess, who has an infinite deal of wit
and humor, set me gently on my feet upon the scrutoire, and
commanded me to give his majesty an account of myself,
which I did in a very few words, and Glumdalclitch, who at-
tended at the cabinet door, and could not endure I should
be out of her sight, being admitted, confirmed all that had
passed from my arrival at her father's house.
The king, although he be as learned a person as any in his
dominions, had been educated in the study of philosophy,
and particularly mathematics; yet when he observed my
shape exactly, and saw me walk erect, before I began tc»
speak, conceived I might be a piece of clockwork (which is
in that country arrived to a very great perfection) contrived
by some ingenious artist. But when he heard my voice and
found what I delivered to be regular and rational, he could
not conceal his astonishment. He was by no means satis-
fied with the relation I gave him of the manner I came into
his kingdom, but thought it a story concerted between
Glumdalclitch and her father, who had taught me a set of
words to make me sell at a better price. Upon this im-
agination, he put several other questions to me, and still
received rational answers, no otherwise defective than by
a foreign accent, and an imperfect knowledge of the lan-
guage, with some rustic phrases which I had learned at the
farmer's house, and did not suit the polite style of a court.
His majesty sent for three great scholars, who were then
in the weekly waiting, according to the custom of that
country. These gentlemen, after they had awhile examined
my shape with much nicety, were of different opinions
concerning me. They all agreed that I could not be pro-
educed according to the regular laws of nature, because I
was not framed with a capacity of preserving my life, either I
by swiftness, or climbing of trees, or digging holes in the
j earth. They observed by my teeth, which they viewed with,
great exactness, that I was a carnivorous animal; yet most
154 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
quadrupeds being an overmatch for me, and field mice,
with some others, too nimble, they could not imagine how
I should be able to support myself, unless I ted upon snails
and other insects; which they offered, by many learned ar-
guments,"^ to evince that I could not possibly do. One of
j4 these virtuosi seemed to think that I might be an embryo,
\or abortive.J»kth. But this opinion was rejected by the
other two, who observed my limbs to be perfect and fin-
ished, and that I had lived several years, as it was manifest
from my beard, the stumps whereof they plainly discovered
^ tl]X^gh_jjma^nif^iag:iglas s., They would not allow me to
>e a dwarf, because my littleness was beyond all degrees of
comparison; for the queen's favorite dwarf, the smallest in
the kingdom, was nearly thirty feet high. After much de-
bate, they concluded unanimously that I was only nE^plum
jcjilclatl^ which is interpreted literally lusus naturae; a de-
termination exactly agreeable to the modern philosophy of
Europe, whose professors, disdaining the old evasion of oc-
cult causes, whereby the followers of Aristotle endeavored
in vain to disguise their ignorance, have invented this won-
derful solution of all difficulties, to the unspeakable advance-
ment of human knowledge.
After tnis decisive conclusion, I entreated to be heard a
word or two. I applied myself to the king, and assured his
majesty, ''that I came from a country which abounded with
several millions of both sexes, and of my own stature;
where the animals, trees and houses were all in proportion,
and where, by consequence, I might be as able to defend
myself, and to find sustenance, as any of his mxajesty's sub-
jects could do here; which I took for a full answer to those
gentlemen's arguments. To this they only replied with a
smile of contempt, saying, ''that the farmer had instructed
me very well in my lesso^Jl^ The king, who had a much
better understanding, dismissed his learned men, sent for
the farmer, who by good fortune was not yet gone out of ^
/^ * By this reasoning- the author probably intended^^Jtoridicule the
( pride of those philosophers who have thought fit to^mrralgn^the v/is-
\ dom of Providens.e^-iii:"4ha creation and governmeftt- ^^— ^e wond:
I whose cavals are •'specious) like those of the Brobdingnagian sages,
/ only in proportion ">crptbe^gnorance of those to whom they are pro-
( posed.— Hawkesworth.\ , ... /. -4^ tX
t This satire is levellfed against'' all who reject those facts for which
they cannot perfectly §,ccount, /notwithstanding the absurdity of re^ ^
iecting- the testimony by which t.hfy are supported. -r-Hawkesworth, qP
^<^^"^^
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 155
towl.t^ Having, therefore, first examined him privately,
and men confronted him with me and the young girl, his
majesty began to think that what we told him might pos-
sibly be true. He desired the queen to order that a particu-
lar care should be taken of me; and was of opinion that
Glumdalclitch should still continue in her office of tending
me, because he observed we had a great affection for each
other. A convenient apartment was provided for her at
court; she had a sort of governess appointed to take care of
her education, a maid to dress her, and two other servants
for menial offices; but the care of m.e was wholly appro-
priated to herself. The queen commanded her own cabi-
net-maker to contrive a box, that might serve me as a bed-
chamber, after the model that Glumdalclitch and I should
agree upon. This man v\-as a most ingenious artist, and ac-
cording to my directions, in three weeks finished for me a
wooden chamber of sixteen feet square, and twelve high,
with sash windov/s, a door and two closets, like a London
bedchamber. The board that made the ceiling was to be
lifted up by two hinges, to put in a bed ready furnished by
her majesty's upholsterer, which Glumdalclitch took out
every day to air, made it with her own hands, and letting it
down at night, locked up the roof over me. A nice work-
man, who was famous for little curiosities, undertook to
make me two chairs, with backs and frames, of a substance
not unlike ivory, and two tables, with a cabinet to put my
things in. The room was quilted on all sides, as well as the
floor and the ceiling, to prevent any accident from the care-
lessness of those who carried me, and to break the force of a
jolt, when I went in a coach. I desired a lock for my door,
to prevent rats and mice from coming in. The smith, after
I several attempts, made the smallest that ever was seen
among them., for I have kno^ a larger at the gate of a
gentleman's house in EnglandJ^ I made a shift to keep the
key in a pocket of my own, fearing Glumdalclitch might
lose it. The queen likew^ise ordered the thinnest silks jhat
ced I
- of »
$ Sir Walter Scott thinks that Swift has designedly introduced
some traits of William III.'s character in the sketch of the king ol
Brobding-nag; but if anything more than the ideal of a patriot mon-
arch is designed, it is probable that the Dean had an eye to the Prince
of Wales, afterwards George II., from whom the Tories had formed
favorable anticipations.
* Swift's frequent references to proportions, both here and in the
Voyage to Lilliput, give an air of probability to his story which none
of his imitators have been able to attain.
iV;^^ GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
•^ could be gotten, to make me clothes, not much thicker than
v^ ar^ Kng-li,qh hl^r^ket. very cumbersome till i was accustomed
\o them. They were after the fashion of the kingdom,
partly resembling the Persian, and partly the Chinese, and
are a very grave and decent habit.
The queen became so fond of my company that she could
not dine without me. I had a table placed upon the same
at which her majesty ate, just at her elbow, and a chair to
sit on. GlumdaVlitch stood on a stool on the floor near
my table to assist and take care of me. I had an entire set
of silver dishes and plates, and other necessaries which, in
proportion to those of the queen, were not much bigger
than what I have seen in a London toy-shop, for the fur-
niture of a baby-house; these my little nurse kept in her
pocket in a silver box, and gave me at meals as I wanted
them, always cleaning them herself. No person dined with
the queen but the two princesses royal, the elder sixteen
years old, and the younger at that time thirteen and a
month. Her majesty used to put a bit of meat upon one of
my dishes, out of which I carved for myself; and her diver-
sion was to see me eat in miniature; for the queen (who had
indeed but a weak stomach) took up, at one mouthful, as
much as a dozen English farmers could eat at a mea1^whi_ch
to me for some time was a very nauseous sight. She would/
craunch the wiiig of a lark, bones and all, between her teeth,
although it were nine times as large as that of a full-grownj
turkey; and cut a bit of bread in her mouth, as big as twof
twelve-penny loaves, j She drank out of a golden cup, above
a hogshead at a draught. Her knives were twice as long as
a scythe, set straight upon a handle. The spoons, forks
and other instruments were all in the same proportion. I
remember when GlUmdalclitch carried me, out of curiosity,
to see some of the tables at court, where ten or a dozen of
those enormous knives and forks were lifted up together,
I thought I had never till then beheld so terrible a sight.
It is the custom that every Wednesday (which as I have
observed is their Sabbath), the king and queen, with the
royal issue of both sexes, dine together in the apartment of
his majesty, to whom I was now become a great favorite;
and at these times my little chair and table were placed at
his left hand before one of the salt-cellers. This prince took
a pleasure in conversing with me, inquiring into the man-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 15^
ners, religion, laws, government and learning of Europe,
wherein I gave him the best account I was able. His appre-
hension was so clear and his judgment so exact that he
made very wise reflections and observations upon all I said,
ri^ut I confess that after I had been a little too copious in
Walking of my own beloved country, of our trade and wars
jby sea and land, of our chisms in religion, and parties in the
[state, the prejudices of his education prevailed so far that\he
/could not forbear taking me up in his right hand and
/stroking me gently with the other, after a hearty fit of
(laughing, asked me whether X was a Whig oj^JTory? Then
turning to his first minister, who waited behind him with a
white staff, near as lall as the mainmast of the Royal Sov-
ereign, he observed) ''how contemptible a thing was human
grandeur, which could be mimicked by such diminutive
insects as I, and yet," says he, ''I dare engage these
creatures have their titles and distinctions of honor; they
contrive little nests and burrows, that they call houses and
cities; they make a figure and dress in equipage; they
love, they fight, they dispute, they cheat, they betray." And
thus he continued on, while my color came and went several
times with indignation to hear our noble country, the mis-
tress of arts and arms, the scourge of France, the arbitress
of Europe, the seat of virtue, piety, honor and truth^::ti;£
pride and envy of the world, so contemptuously treatecj^*!
But as I was not in a condition to resent injuries, so upon
mature thoughts I began to doubt whether I was injured or
ndyTV^For, after having been accustomed several months to
the sight and converse of this people, and observed every
object upon which I cast mine eyes to be of proportionable
magnitude, the horror I had at first conceived from their
bulk and aspect was so far worn off. that if I had then be-
held a company of English lords and ladies in their finery
and birthday clothes, acting their several parts in the most
courtly manner of strutting, and bowing, and prating; to
say the truth, I should have been strongly tempted to laugh
* These boasts, which have been the commonplaces of party during
the last two centuries, are rendered supremely ridicu],ous by their
contrast with the speech of the l^ng^of BroDdmgnag.
t "Whether I was injured or no." This vulgar and ungrammatical
mode of expressio\ has become almost universal; but instead of "no
the particle "not" shpuld be used. The absurdity of the former will
appear by only rep^'ting tne word to which it refers, and annexing
to it, as thus—, "Whether I were injured, or no injured," whereas
"whether I were ii^dured or not injured," Is gooci grammar.— Sheridan.
108 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
as much at them as the king and his grandees did at me.
Neither, indeed, could I forbear smihng at myself when the
queen used to place me upon her hand towards a looking-
glass, by which both our persons appeared before me in full
view together; and there could be nothing more ridiculous
than the comparison ; so that I really began to imagine my-
sHf dw^'^'i^^d mpny^.'^eriTPri ,L£>1riY^/ Uiy nsiial size.
Nothing angered and mortified me so much as the
queen's dwarf; who, being oflhe low^st-Stature that was
ever in that country (for I verily think he was notlutTtHTrty
feet high), became so insolent at seeing a creature so much
beneath him, that he would always afiect to swagger and
look big as he passed by me in the queen's ante-chamber,
while I was standing on some table talking with the lords
or ladies oi the court, and he seldom failed of a smart word
or two upon my littleness; against which I could only re-
venge myself by calling him brother, challenging him to
wrestle, and such repartees as are usually in the mouths of
court pages. One day at dinner, this malicious little cub
was so nettled with something I had said to him, that,
raising himself upon the frame of her majesty's chair, he
took me up by the middle, as I was sitting down, not think-
ing any harm, and let me drop into a large silver bowl of
cream, and then ran away as fast as he could. I fell over
head and ears, and if I had not been a good swimmer it
might have gone very hard with me; for Glumdalclitch in
that instant happened to be at the other end of the room,
and the queen was in such a fright that she wanted presence
of mind to assist me. But my little nurse ran to my relief,
and took me out, after I had swallowed about a quart of
cream. I was put to bed; however, I received no other
damage than the loss of a suit of clothes, which was utterly
spoiled. The dwarf was soundly whipped, and as a farther
punishment, forced to drink up the bowl of cream into
which he had thrown me: neither was he ever restored to
favor; for soon after the queen bestowed him on a lady
of high quality, so that I saw him no more, to my very
great "satisfaction: for I could not tell to what extremity
such a malicious urchin might have carried his resentment.
He had before served me a scurvy trick, which set the
queen a-laughing, although at the same time she was heart-
ily vexed, and would have immediately cashiered him, if I
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 159
had not been so generous as to intercede. Her majesty
had taken a marrow-bone upon her plate, and, after knock-
ing out the marrow, placed the bone again on the dish erect,
as it stood before; the dwarf, watching his opportunity,
while Glumdalclitch was gone to the sideboard, mounted
the stool that she stood on to take care of me at meals, took
me up in both hands, and squeezing my legs together,
wedged them into the marrow-bone above my waist, where
I stuck for some time, and made a very ridiculous figure.
I believe it was near a minute before any one knew what
was become of me; for I thought it below me to cry out.
But, as princes seldom get their meat hot, my legs were
not scalded, only my stockings and breeches in a sad con-
dition. The dwarf, at my entreaty, had no other punish-
ment than a sound whipping.
I was frequently rallied by the queen upon account of my
fearfulness; and she used to ask me whether the people of
my country were as great cowards as mvself ! The occasion
was this: the kingdom is much pestered with flies in the
summer; and these odious insects, each of them as big as a
ffjSfunstahle lark, hardly gave me any rest while I sat at
dinner, with their continual humming and buzzing about
^^f^(y m^ne ears. They would sometimes alight upon my victuals,
p -> .g^d leave their loathsome excrement or spawn behind,
Ip^ ,y which to me was very visible, though not to the natives of
or ^v that country, whose larger optics were not so acute as mine
^ fW^ in viewing smaller objects. Sometimes they would fix upon
my nose or forehead, where they stung me to the quick,
smelling very offensively; and I could easily trace that vis-
cous matter which, our naturalists tell us, enables those crea-
tures to walk with their feet upwards upon a ceiling. I had
much ado to defend myself against these detestable ani-
mals, and could not forbear starting when they came on my
face. It was the common practice of the dwarf, to catch a
number of these insects in his hand, as schoolboys do among
us, and let them out suddenly under my nose, on purpose
to frighten me, and divert the queen. My remedy was to
cut them in pieces with my knife, as they flew in the air,
wherein my dexterity was much admired.
I remember, one morning, when Glumdalclitch had set
me in a box upon a window, as she usually did in fair days
to give me air (for I durst not venture to let the box be hung
..0
m
160 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
on a nail out of the window, as we do with cages in Eng-
land), after I had lifted up one of my sashes, and sat down
at my table to eat a piece of sweet cake for my breakfast,
above twenty wasps, allured by the smell, came flying into
the room, humming louder than the drones of as many
bagpipes. Some of them seized my cake and carried it
piecemeal away; others flew about my head and face, con-
founding me with the noise, and putting me in the utmost
terror of their stings. However, I had the courage to rise
and draw my hanger, and attack them in the air. I dis-
patched four of them, but the rest got away, and I presently
shut my window. These insects were as large as par-
tridges: I took out their stings, found them an inch and
a half long, and as sharp as needles. I carefully preserved
them all; and having since shown them, with some other
curiosities, in several parts of Europe; upon my return
to England I gave three of them to Gresham College and
kept the fourth myself.
CHAPTER IV.
THE COUNTRY DESCRIBED— A PROPOSAL FOR CORRECTING
MODERN MAPS — THE KING'S PALACE, AND SOME AC-
COUNT OF THE METROPOLIS — THE AUTHOR'S WAY OF
TRAVELING— THE CHIEF TEMPLE DESCRIBED.
Journeys with Glumdalclitch having given me some
knowledge of the country, I now intend to give the reader
a short description of it, as far as I traveled, which was
not above two thousand miles round Lorbrulgrud, the
metropolis. For the queen, whom I always attended, never
went farther when she accompanied the king in his prog-
resses, and there stayed till his majesty returned from view-
ing his frontiers. The whole extent of this prince's domin-
ions reaches about six thousand miles in length, and from
three to five in breadth, when I cannot but conclude that
our geographers of Europe are in great error, by supposing
nothing but sea between Japan and California; for it was
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 161
ever my opinion, that there must be a balance of earth to
counterpoise the great continent of Tartary; and therefore
they ought to correct their maps and charts, by joining this
vast tract of land to the northwest parts of America, wherein
I shall be ready to lend them my assistance.
The kingdom is a peninsula, terminated to the northeast
by a ridge of mountains thirty miles high, which are alto-
gether impassable, by reason of the volcanoes upon the tops ;
neither do the most learned know what sort of mortals in-
habit beyond those mountains, or whether they be inhabited
at all. On the three other sides, it is bounded by the ocean.
There is not one seaport in the whole kingdom; and those
parts of the coasts into which the rivers issue, are so full of
pointed rocks, and the sea generally so rough, that there is
no venturing with the smallest of their boats; so that these
people are/^^l^ijlv excluded from any commerce with the rest
of the wori^j^^ut the large rivers are full of vessels, and
abound with excellent fish; for they seldom get any from the
sea, because the sea-fish are of the same size with those in
Europe, and consequently, not worth catching; whereby it
is manifest, that nature, in the production of plants and ani-
mals of so extraordinary a bulk, is wholly confined to this
continent, of which I leave the reasons to be determined by
philosophers. However, now and then they take a whale
that happens to be dashed against the rocks, which the com-
mon people feed on heartily. These whales I have known so
large, that a man could hardly carry- one upon his shoulders ;
and sometimes, for curiosity, they are brought in hampers
to Lorbrulgrud; I saw one of them in a dish at the king's
table, which passed for a rarity, but I did not observe he was
fond of it; for I think, indeed, the bigness disgusted him,
although I have seen one somewhat larger in Greenland.
* This description of a sea that could not be safely navigated,
appears to have been taken from that veracious traveler. Sir J.
Mandeyille. '*From the land of Bactry, men go many~a^'^~JUTirney
to the land of Prester John, that is a great emperor of Inde; and men
call his land the yle of Pantoxore. * * * There are many places in
the sea where are many rocks of a stone that is called adamand, the
which of his own kind draweth all manner of yron, and therefore
there may be no ships that hath yron nayles pass but it draweth them
to him, and therefore they dare not go into that country with ships
for fear of adamand. I went once into that sea, and saw along it as
it had been a great yle of trees, stockes and branches growinge, and
the shipmen told me that those were of greate shippes that abode
there through the vertue of the adamandes, and of things that were
in the shippes, whereof those trees sprung and waxed."
11
162 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
The country is well inhabited, for it contains fifty-one
cities, near a hundred walled towns, and a great number of
villages. To satisfy my curious reader, it may be sui^cient
to describe Lorbrulgrud. This city stands upon almost two
equal parts, on each side of the river that passes through. It
contains above eighty thousand houses, and about six hun-
dred thousand inhabitants. It is in length three glomg-
lungs (which makes about fifty-four English miles), and two
and a half in breadth; as I measured it myself in the royal
map made by the king's order, which was laid on the ground
on purpose for me, and extended a hundred feet; I paced the
diameter and circumference several times barefoot, and com-
puting by the scale, measured it pretty exactly.
The king's palace is no regular edifice, but a heap of build-
ing about seven miles round : the chief rooms are generally
two hundred and forty feet high, and broad and long in pro-
portion. A coach was allowed to Glumdalclitch and me,
wherein her governess frequently took her out to see the
town, or go among the shops ; and I Vv^as always of the party,
carried in my box; although the girl, at my own desire,
would often take me out, and hold me in her hand, that I
might more conveniently view the houses and people, as we
passed along the streets. I reckoned our coach to be about
a square of Westminster Hall, but not altogether so high;
however, I cannot be very exact. One day the governess or-
dered our coachman to stop at several shops, where the beg-
gars, watching their opportunity, crowded to the sides of
the coach, and gave me the most horrible spectacle that ever
a European eye beheld. There was a woman with a cancer
in her breast, swelled to a monstrous size, full of holes, in two
or three of which I could have easily crept, and covered
my whole body. There was a fellow with a wen in his neck,
larger than five wool-packs; and another with a couple of
wooden legs, each about twenty feet high. But the most
hateful sight of all was the lice crawling on their clothes. I
could see distinctly the limbs of these vermin with my naked
eye, much better than those of a European louse through
a microscope, and their snouts with which they rooted like
swine. They were the first I had ever beheld, and I should
have been curious enough to dissect one of them, if I had had
proper instruments, which I unluckily left behind me in the
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 163
ship, although, indeed, the sight was so nauseous, that it
perfectly turned my stomach.
Beside the large box in which I was usually carried, the
queen ordered a smaller one to be made for me, of about
twelve feet square, and ten high, for the convenience of trav-
eling; because the other was somewhat too large for Gium-
dalclitch's lap, and cumbersome in the coach: it was made
by the same artist, whom I directed in the whole contrivance.
This traveling closet was an exact square, with a window in
the middle of three of the squares, and each window was lat-
ticed with iron wire on the outside, to prevent accidents in
long journeys. On the fourth side, which had no window,
two stron.sf staples w^ere fixed, through which the person that
carried me, when I had a mind to be on horseback, put a
leather belt, an^ buckled it about his waist. This was always
the ofBce of some grave trusty servant, in whom I could con-
fide, whether I attended the king and queen in their prog-
resses, or were disposed to see the gardens, or pay a visit to
some great lady or minister of state in the court, when Glum-
dalclitch happened to be out of order; for I soon began to be
known and esteemed among the greatest officers, I suppose
more upon account of their majesties' favor, than any merit
of my own. In journeys, when I was weary of the coach, a
servant on horseback would buckle on mxy box, and place it
upon a cushion before him ; and there I had a full prospect
of the country on three sides from my three windows. I had
in this closet a field-bed, and a hammock hung from the ceil-
ing, two chairs and a table, neatly screwed to the floor, to
prevent being tossed by the agitation of the horse or the
coach. And having long been used to sea voyages, those
motions, although sometimes very violent, did not much dis-
compose me.
Whenever I had a mind to see the town, it vv^as always in
my traveling closet: which Glumdalclitch held in her lap in
a kind of open sedan, after the fashion of the country, borne
by four men, and attended by two others in the queen's liv-
ery. The people, who had often heard of me, were very
curious to crowd about the sedan, and the girl was com-
plaisant enough to make the bearers stop, and to take me
in her hand that I might be more conveniently seen.
I was very desirous to see the chief temple, and particularly
the tower belonging to it, which is reckoned the highest in
164 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the kingdom. Accordingly, one day my nurse carried me
thither, but I may truly say I came back disappointed; for
the height is not above three thousand feet, reckoning from
the ground to the highest pinnacle top; which, allowing for
the difference between the size of those people and us in Eu-
rope, is no great matter for admiration, nor at all equal in
proportion (if I rightly remember) to Salisbury steeple. But,
not to detract from a nation, to which, during my life, I shall
acknowledge myself extremely obliged, it must be allowed,
that whatever this famous tov/er wants in height, is amply
made up in beauty and strength; for the walls are near a
hundred feet thick, built of hewn stone, whereof each is about
forty feet square, and adorned on all sides with statues of
gods and emperors, cut in marble, larger than the life, placed
in their several niches. I measured a little finger which had
fallen down from one of these statues, and lay unperceived
among some rubbish, and found it exactly four feet and an
inch in length.'"'' Glumdalclitch wrapped it up in her handker-
chief, and carried it home in her pocket, to keep among
other trinkets, of which the girl was very fond, as children at
her age usually are.
The king's kitchen is, indeed, a noble building, vaulted at
top, and about six hundred feet high. The great oven is not
so wide by ten paces, as the cupola at St. Paul's for I meas-
ured the latter on purpose, after my return. But if I should
describe the kitchen grate, the prodigious pots and kettles,
the joints of meat turning on the spits, with many other par-
ticulars, perhaps I should be hardly believed; at least a se-
vere critic would be apt to think I enlarged a little, as trav-
elers are often suspected to do. To avoid which censure, I
fear I have run too much into the other extreme, and that if
this treatise should happen to be translated into the lan-
guage of Brobdingnag (which is the general name of that
kingdom), and transmitted thither, the king and his people
* Had Swift seen the colossal statuary of ancient Egypt, he would
have found that it rivalled the imaginary sculpture of Brobdingnag.
Belzoni has given the exact dimensions of the four stupendous figures
which are seated side by side in front of the excavated temple of
Ipsambul; each of them, though seated, measures sixty-four feet
from the ground to the top of tne cap; the arm from the shoulder to
the elbow measures fifteen feet and a half, the ear three feet and a
half, and the chest, across the shoulders, twenty-five feet four inches.
Yet the great Sphinx is half as large again as these. Among the
Egyptian antiquities there is a colossal fist, probably belonging to a
sphinx: were the hand opened, the fingers would be nearly of the
size of that which Glumdalclitch is said to have picked up.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 165
would have reason to complain that I had done them an
injury by a false and diminutive representation.*
His majesty seldom keeps above six hundred horses in his
stables; they are generally from fifty-four to sixty feet high.
But when he goes abroad on solemn days, he is attended, for
state, by a militia guard of five hundred horse, which, indeed,
I thought was the most splendid sight that could be ever
beheld, till I saw part of his army in battalia, whereof I shall
find another occasion to speak.
CHAPTER V.
SEVERAL ADVENTURES THAT HAPPENED TO THE AUTHOR
—THE EXECUTION OF A CRIMINAL— THE AUTHOR SHOYv'S
HIS SKILL IN .NAVIGATION.
Justly may I say, that I should have lived happy enough
in the country, if my littleness had not exposed me to several
ridiculous and troublesome accidents; some of which I shall
venture to relate. Glumdalclitch often carried me into the
gardens of the court in my smaller box, and would sometimes
take me out of it, and hold me in her hand, or set me down to
v/alk. I remember, before the dw^arf left the queen, he fol-
lowed us one day into those gardens, and my nurse having
set me down, he and I being close together, near some dwarf
apple-trees, I must need show my wit, by a silly allusion
between him and the trees, which happens to hold in their
language as it does in ours. Whereupon, the malicious
rogue, watching his opportunity, when I was w^alking under
one of them, shook it directly over my head, by which a
dozen apples, each of them near as large as a Bristol barrel,
came tumbling about mv ears; one of them hit me on the
back as I chanced to stoop, and knocked me down flat on my
face; but I received no other hurt, and the dwarf was par-
doned at my desire, because I had given the provocation.
* Lord Orrery has directed attention to the air of probability
which Swift's minute attention to proportions and his reference to
familiar objects as a standard, give to his account of Lilliput. The
same tact is not less observable in the account of Brobdingnag, and
particularly in the comparison of the royal kitchen with the cupola
of St. Paul's; perhaps also Swift intending- to hint that St. Paul's,
however splendid as an edifice, does not, like the Gothic cathedrals,
immediately suggest that it was erected for religious purposes.
166 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Another day, Glumdalclitch left me on a smooth grass-plot
to divert myself, while she walked at some distance with her
governess. In the meantime, there suddenly fell such a vio-
lent shower of hail, that I was immediately, by the force of it,
struck to the ground; and when I was down, the hailstones
gave me such cruel bangs all over the body, as if I had been
pelted with tennis balls; however, I made a shift to creep
on all fours, and shelter myself, by lying fiat on my face, on
the lee-side of a border of lemon-thyme; but so bruised
from head to foot that I could not go abroad in ten days.
Neither is that at all to be wondered at, because nature, in
that country, observing the same proportion through all her
operations, a hailstone is near eighteen hundred times as
large as one in Europe; which I can assert upon experience,
having been so curious* to weigh and measure them.
But a more dangerous accident happened to me in the
same garden, when my little nurse, believing she had put
me in a secure place (which I often entreated her to do, that
I might enjoy my thoughts), and having left my box at
home, to avoid the trouble of carrying it, went to another
part of the garden with her governess and some ladies of
her acquaintance. While she was absent, and out of hearing,
a small white spaniel that belonged to one of the chief gar-
deners, having got by accident into the garden, happening
to range near the place where I lay : the dog following the
scent, came directly up, and taking me in his mouth, ran
straight to his master wagging his tail, and set me gently on
the ground. By good fortune he had been so well taught,
that I was carried between his teeth without the least hurt,
or even tearing my clothes. But the poor gardener who
knew me well, and had a great kindness for me, was in a ter-
rible fright; he gently took me up in both his hands, and
asked me how I did ; but I was so amazed and out of breath,
that I could not speak a word. In a few minutes I came to
myself, and he carried me safe to my little nurse, who by this
time had returned to the place where she had left me, and
was in cruel agonies when I did not appear, nor answer when
she called. She severely reprimanded the gardener on ac-
count of his dog. But the thing was hushed up, and never
knovv^n at court, for the girl was afraid of the queen's anger;
* The particle "as," is here improperly omitted; it should be, so
curious "as" to weig-h, etc.— Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 16Y
and truly, as to myself, I thought it would not be for my
reputation that such a story should go about.
This accident absolutely determined Glumdalclitch never
to trust me abroad for the future out of her sight. I had been
long afraid of this resolution, and therefore concealed from
her some little unlucky adventures, that happened in those
times when I was left by myself. Once a kite, hovering over
the garden, made a stoop at me, and if I had not resolutely
drawn my hanger, and run under a thick espalier, he would
have certainly carried me away in his talons. Another time,
walking on the top of a fresh molehill, I fell to my neck in the
hole, through which that animal had cast up the earth, and
coined some lie, not worth remembering, to excuse myself
for spoiling my clothes. I likewise broke my right shin
against the shell of a snail, which I happened to stumble
over, as I was walking along and thinking of poor England.
I cannot tell whether I were more pleased or mortified to
observe, in those solitary walks, that the smaller birds did
not appear to be at all afraid of me, but would hop about
within a yard's distance, looking for worms and other food,
with as much indifference and security as if no creature at
all were near them. I remember, a thrush had the confidence
to snatch out of my hand, with his bill, a piece of cake*that
Glumdalclitch had just given me for my breakfast. When I
attempted to catch one of these birds, they would boldly turn
against me, endeavoring to peck my fingers, which I durst
not venture within their reach; and then they would hop
back unconcerned, to hunt for worms or snails as they did
before. But one day, I took a thick* cudgel, and threw it
with all my strength so luckily, at a linnet, that I knocked
him down, and seizing him by the neck with both my hands,
ran with him in triumph to my nurse. However, the bird,
who had only been stunned, recovering himself, gave me so
many boxes with his wings, on both sides of my head and
body, though I held him at arm's length, and was out of
reach of his claws, that I was twenty times thinking to let
him go. But I was soon relieved by one of our servants, who
wrung Oilf the bird's neck, and I had him next day for dinner,
by the queen's command. The linnet, as near as I can re-
member, seemed to be somewhat larger than an English
swan.
The maids of honor often invited Glumdalclitch to their
168 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
apartments, and desired she would bring me along with her,
on purpose to have the pleasure of seeing and touching me.*
They would often strip me naked from top to toe, and lay
me at full length in their bosoms, wherewith I was much dis-
gusted; because, to say the truth, a very offensive smell
came from their skins ; which I do not mention or intend to
the disadvantages of those excellent ladies, for whom I have
all manner of respect; but I conceive that my sense was
more acute in proportion to my littleness, and that those
illustrious persons were no more disagreeable to their lovers,
or to each other, than people of the same quality are with us
in England. And after all, I found their natural smell was
much more supportable than wnen they used perfumes, un-
der which I immediately swooned away. I cannot forget, that
an intimate friend of mine in Lilliput took the freedom in a
warm day, when I had used a good deal of exercise, to com-
plain of a strong smell about me, although I am as little
faulty that way as most of my sex ; but I suppose his faculty
of smelling was as nice with regard to me, as mine was to
that of this people. Upon this point, I cannot forbear doing
justice to the queen my mistress, and Glumdalclitch my
nurse, whose persons were as sweet as those of any lady in
England.
That which gave me most uneasiness among these maids
of honor (when my nurse carried me to visit them) was, to
see them use me without any manner of ceremony, like a
creature who had no sort of concupiscence: for they would
strip themselves to the skin, and put their smocks on in my
presence, while I was placed on their toilet, directly before
their naked bodies, which I am sure to me was very far from
being a tempting sight, or from giving me any other emo-
tions than those of horror and disgust; their skins appeared
so coarse and uneven, so variously colored, when I saw
them near, with a mole here and there as broad as a trencher,
and hairs hanging from it thicker than packthreads, to say
fnpthing farther concerning the rest of their persons. Neither
* Swift attributed his disappointment in his hopes of obtaining- a
bishopric from Queen Anne to the united influence of female intrigues
and the remonstrances of Archbishop Sharpe. The Duchess of Som-
erset is said to have besouglit the Queen on her knees not to grant
him promotion in revenge for a bitter lampoon, in which the charac-
ter of the duchess was very roughly handled. Coarse as Is the
description here given of the maids of honor in the court of Brob-
dingnag, there is reason to believe that it has been much softened
down from the original sketch.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. Hid
did they at all scruple, while I was by, to discharge what they
had drank, to the quantity of at least two hogsheads, in a
vessel that held above three tons. The handsomest among
these maids of honor, a pleasant frolicsome girl of sixteen,
would sometimes set me astride upon one of her nipples, with
many other tricks, wherein the reader will excuse me for not
being over particular. But I was so much displeased, that I
entreated Glumdalclitch to conceive some excuse for not see-
ing that young lady any more.
One day, a young gentleman, who w^as nephew to my
nurse's governess, came and pressed them both to see an
execution. It was of a man, who had murdered one of that;
gentleman's intimate acquaintance. Glumdalclitch was pre-
vailed on to be of the company, very much against her in-
clination, for she was naturally tender-hearted; and as for
myself, although I abhorred such kind of spectacles, yet my
curiosity tempted me to see something that I thought must
be extraordinary. The malefactor was fixed on a chair upon
a scaffold erected for that purpose, and his head cut off at
one blow, with a sword of about forty feet long. The veins
and arteries spouted up such a prodigious quantity of blood,
and so high in the air, that theyW d'eau at Versailles was not
equal* for the time it lasted: and the head, when it fell on th(!
scaffold floor, gave such a bounce as made me start, although
I was half an English mile distant.
The queen, who often used to hear me talk of my sea-
voyages, and took all occasions to divert me when I was
m.elancholy, asked me wdiether I understood how to handle
S sail or an oar, and whether a little exercise of rowing might
not be convenient for my health? I answered that I under-
stood both very well: for although my proper employmeni:
had been to be surgeon or doctor to the ship yet often, upon
a pinch, I was forced to work like a common mariner. BuH
I could not see how this could be done in their country,
where the smallest wherry was equal to a first-rate man-of-
war among us; and such a boat as I could manage would
never live in one of their rivers. Her majesty said, 'Tf I
would contrive a boat, her own joiner should make it, and
she would provide a place for me to sail in." The fellow was
an ingenious workman, and by my instructions, in ten days,
finished a pleasure boat, with all the tackling, able conven-
* It should be— "was not equal to it, etc."— Sheridan,
170 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
iently to hold eight Europeans. When it was finished^ the
queen was so deHghted that she ran with it in her lap to the
king, who ordered it to be put into a cistern full of water,
with me in it, by way of trial; where I could not manage my
two sculls, or little oars, for want of room. But the queen
had before contrived another project. She ordered the joiner
to make a wooden trough of three hundred feet long, fifty
broad, and eight deep ; which being w^ell pitched to prevent
leaking, was placed on the floor along the wall, in an outer
room of the palace. It had a cock near the bottom to let out
the water^ v/hen it began to grow stale; and two servants
could easily fill it in half an hour. Here I often used to rovv-
for my own diversion, as well as that of the queen and her
ladies, vvho thought themselves well entertained with my
skill and agility. Som.etimes I would put up my sail and then
my business was only to steer, while the ladies gave me a
gale with their fans: and when they were weary, some of
their pages would blow my sail forward with their breath,
while I showed my art by steering starboard or larboard as
I pleased. When I had done, Glumdalclitch always carried
back my boat into her closet, and hung it on a nail to dry.
In this exercise I once met an accident, which had like to
have cost me my life; for, one of the pages having put my
boat into the trough, the governess who attended Glumdal-
clitch very ofificiously lifted me up, to place rhe in the boat ;
but I happened to slip through her fingers, and should infalli-
bly have fallen down forty feet, upon the floor, if, by the
luckiest chance in the world, I had not been stopped by a
corking-pin that stuck in the good gentlewoman's stom-
acher; the head of the pin passed between my shirt and the
waistband of my breeches, and thus I was held by the middle
in the air, till Glumdalclitch ran to my relief.
Another time, one of the servants, whose of^ce it was to
fill my trough every third day with fresh water, was so care-
less* to let a huge frog lay concealed till I was put into my
boat, but then, seeing a resting-place, climbed up, and made
it to lean so much on one side, that I was forced to bal-
ance it with all my weight on the other to prevent overturn-
ing. When the frog was got in, it hopped at once half the
length of the boat, and then over my head, backward and
forward, daubing my face and clothes with its odious slime.
* Tt should be— "was so careless as to let."— Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 171
The largeness of its features made it appear the most de-
formed animal that can be conceived. However, I desired
Glumdalclitch to let me deal with it alone. I banged it a
good while with one of my sculls, and at last forced it to leap
out of the boat.
But the greatest danger I underwent in that kingdom was
from a monkey, who belonged to one of the clerks of the
kitchen. Glumdalclitch had locked me up in her closet,
v/hile she went somewhere upon business, or a visit. The
weather being warm, the closet window was left open, as well
as the windows and door of my bigger box, in which I usu-
ally lived, because of its largeness and conveniency. As I
sat quietly meditating at my table, I heard somiething bounce
in at the closet-window, and skip about from one side to the
other; whereat, although I was much alarmed, yet I ven-
tured to look out, but not stirring from my seat; and then I
saw this frolicsome animal frisking and leaping up and down,
till at last he came to my box, which he seemed to view with
great pleasure and curiosity, peeping in the door and every
window. I retreated to the farther corner of my room, or
box; but the monkey, looking in at every side, put me into
such a fright, that I wanted presence of mind to conceal my-
self under the bed, as I might easily have done. After some
time spent in peeping, grinning, and chattering, he at last
espied me ; and reaching one of his paws in at the door, as a
cat does when she plays with a mouse, although I often-
shifted place to avoid him, he at length seized the lappet of
my coat (which being made of that country silk, was very
thick and strong), and dragged me out. He took me up in
his right forefoot, and held me as a nurse does a child she is
going to suckle, just as I have seen the same sort of creature
do with a kitten in Europe; and when I offered to struggle,
he squeezed me so hard, that I thought it m.ore prudent to
submit. I have good reason to believe that he took me for a
young one of his own species, by his often stroking my face
very gently with his other paw. In these diversions he was
interrupted by a noise at the closet door, as if somebody were
opening it; whereupon he suddenly leaped up to the window,
at which he had come in, and thence upon the leads and gut-
ters, walking upon three legs, and holding me in the fourth,
till he clambered up to a roof that was next to ours. I heard
Glumidalclitch give a shriek the moment he was carrying me
112 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
out. The poor girl was almost distracted ; that quarter of the
palace was all in an uproar; the servants ran for ladders; the
monkey was seen by hundreds in the court, sitting upon the
ridge of the building, holding me like a baby in one of his
fore-paws, and feeding me with the other, by cramming into
my mouth some victuals he had squeezed out of the bag on
one side of his chaps, and patting me when I would not eat;
whereat many of the rabble below could not forbear laugh-
ing; neither do I think they justly ought to be blam.ed, for,
without question, the sight was ridiculous enough to every-
body but myself. Some of the people threw up stones, hop-
ing to drive the monkey down; but this was strictly forbid-
den, or else, very probably, my brains had been dashed out.
The ladders were now applied, and mounted by several men :
which the monkey observing, and finding himself almost
encompassed, not being able to make speed enough with
his three legs, let me drop on a ridge tile, and made his
escape. Here I sat for some time, five hundred yards from
the ground, expecting every moment to be blown down by
the wind, or to fall by my own giddiness, and come tumbling-
over and over from the ridge to the eaves: but an honest
lad, one of my nurse's footmen, climbed up, and putting
me into his breeches pocket, brought me down safe.
I was almost choked with the filthy stuff the monkey had
crammed down my throat; but my dear little nurse picked
it out of my mouth with a small needle, and then I fell
a-vomiting, which gave me great relief. Yet I was so weak
and bruised in the sides with the squeezes given me by this
odious animal, that I was forced to keep my bed a fortnight.
The king, queen, and all the court, sent every day to inquire
after my health: and her majesty made me several visits
during my sickness. The monkey w^as killed, and an order
made that no such animal should be kept about the palace.
When I attended the king after my recovery, to return him
thanks for his favors, he was pleased to rally me a good deal
upon this adventure. He asked me, "what my thoughts
and speculations vv^ere while I lay in the monkey's paw? how
I liked the victuals he gave me? his manner of feeding? and
whether the fresh air on the roof had sharpened my stom-
ach?'* He desired to knovv^ "what I would have done upon
such an occasion in my own country?" I told his majesty,
"that in Europe we had no monkeys except such as were
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 173
brought for curiosities from other places, and so small that
I could deal with a dozen of them together, if they presumed
to attack me. And as for that monstrous animal, with whom I
was so lately engaged (it was indeed as large as an elephant),
if my fears had suffered me to think so far as to make use of
my hanger (looking fiercely, and clapping my hand upon the
hilt, as I spoke) when he poked his paw into my chamber,
perhaps I should have given him such a wound, as would
have made him glad to withdraw it, with more haste than he
put it in." This I delivered in a firm tone, like a person
who was jealous lest his courage should be called in question.
However, my speech produced nothing else besides a loud
laughter, which all the respect due to his majesty from those
about him could not make them contain. This made me
reflect, how vain an attempt it is for a man to endeavor to
do himself honor among those who are out of all degree of
equality or comparison with him. And yet I have seen the
moral of my own behavior very frequently in England since
my return; where a little contemptible varlet, without the
least title to birth, person, wit, or common sense, shall pre-
sume to look with importance, and put himself upon a foot
with the greatest persons of the kingdom.
I was every day furnishing the court with some ridiculous
story; and Glumdalclitch, although she loved me to excess,
yet was arch enough to inform the queen, whenever I com-
mitted any folly that she thought would be diverting to her
majesty. The girl, who had been out of order, was carried
by her governess to take the air about an hour's distance, or
thirty miles from town. They alighted out of the coach near
a small foot-path in a field, and Glumdalclitch setting down
my traveling box, I went out of it to walk. There was a
cow-dung in the path, and I must need try my activity by
attempting to leap over it. I took a run, but unfortunately
jumped short, and found myself just in the middle, up to my
knees. I waded through with some difficulty, and one of the
footmen wiped me as clean as he could with his handker-
chief, for I was filthily bemired; and my nurse confined me
to my box, till we returned home; where the queen was
soon informed of what had passed, and the footmen spread
it about the court; so that all the mirth for some days was
at my expense.
174 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
CHAPTER VI.
SEVERAL CONTRIVANCES OF THE AUTHOR TO PLEASE THE
KING AND QUEEN— HE SHOWS HIS SKILL IN MUSIC— THE
KING INQUIRES INTO THE STATE OF ENGLAND, Yv^HICH
THE AUTHOR RELATES TO HIM-THE KING'S OBSERVA-
TIONS THEREON.
Joined as I was to the court, I used to attend the king's
levee once or twice a week, and had often seen him under
the barber's hand, which indeed was at first very terrible to
behold; for the razor was almost twice as long as an ordinary
scythe. His majesty^ accordng to the customs of the coun-
try, was only shaved twice a week. I once prevailed on the
barber to give me some of the suds or lather, out of which I
picked forty or fifty of the strongest stumps of hair. I then
took a piece of fine wood, and cut it like the back of a comb,
making several holes in it at equal distances, with as small a
needle as I could get from Glumdalclitch. I fixed in the
stumps so artificially, scraping and sloping them with my
knife towards the points, that I made a very tolerable comb;
v/hich was a seasonable supply, my own being so much
broken in the teeth, that it was almost useless: neither did I
know any artist in that country so nice and exact, as would
'vmdertake to make me another.
And this put me in mind of an amusement, wherein I
spent many of my leisure hours. I desired the queen's
woman to save for me the combings of her majesty's hair,
whereof in time I got a good quantity; and consulting with
my friend the cabinet-maker, who had received general or-
ders to do little jobs for me, I directed him to make two chair
frames, no larger than those I had in my box, and to bore
little holes with a fine awl round those parts where I de-
signed the backs and seats : through these holes I wove the
strongest hairs I could pick out, just after the manner of
cane chairs in England. When they were finished, I made a
present of them to her majesty, who kept them in her cabinet,
and used to show them for curiosities as indeed they were the
wonder of every one that beheld them. The queen would
have me sit upon one of these chairs, but I absolutely re-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 175
fused to obey her, protesting I would rather die a thousand
deaths, than place a dishonorable part of my body on those
precious hairs that once adorned her majesty's head. Of
these hairs (as I had always a mechanical genius) I likewise
made a neat little purse, about five feet long, widi her maj-
esty's name deciphered in gold letters, w^hich I gave to Glum-
dalclitch by the queen's consent. To say the truth, it was
more for show than use, being not of strength to bear the
weight of the larger coins, and therefore she kept nothing
in it but some little toys that girls are fond of.
The king, who delighted in music, had frequent concerts
at court, to which I was sometimes carried, and set in my box
on the table to hear them ; but the noise was so great that I
could hardly distinguish the tunes. I am confident that all
the drums and trumpets of a royal army, beating and sound-
ing together just at your ears, could not equal it. My prac-
tice was to have my box removed from the place where the
performers sat, as far as I could, then to shut the doors and
windows of it, and draw the window curtains, after which I
found their music not disagreeable.
I had learned in my youth to play a little upon the spinet.
Glumdalclitch kept one in her chamber, and a master attend-
ed twice a week to teach her: I called it a spinet, because it
somewhat resembled that instrument, and was played upon
in the same manner. A fancy came into my head that I
would entertain the king and queen with an English tune
upon this instrument. But this appeared extremely difificult ;
for the spinet was near sixty feet long, each key being al-
most a foot wide, so that with my arms extended I could not
reach to above five keys, and to press them down required
a good smart stroke with my fist, which would be too great
a labor and to no purpose. The method I contrived was
this: I prepared two round sticks about the bigness of com-
mon cudgels; they were thicker at one end than the other,
and I covered the thicker ends with pieces of mouse's skin,
that by rapping on them I might neither damage the tops
of the keys nor interrupt the sound. Before the spinet a
bench was placed, about four feet below the keys, and I was
put upon the bench. I ran sidelong upon it, that way and
this, as fast as I could, banging the proper keys with my
two sticks, and made a shift to play a jig, to the great satis-
faction of both their majesties; but it was the most violent
176 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
exercise I ever underwent; and yet I could not strike above
sixteen keys, nor, consequently, play the bass and treble to-
gether, as other artists do; which was a great disadvantage
to my performance.
The king, who, as I before observed, was a prince of excel-
lent understanding, would frequently order that I should be
brought in my box, and set upon the table in his closet, he
would then command me to bring one of my chairs out of the
box, and sit down within three yards' distance, upon the top
of the cabinet, which brought me almost to a level with his
face. In this manner I had several conversations with him.
I one day took the freedom to tell his majesty, ''that the
contempt he discovered towards Europe, and the rest of the
world, did not seem answerable to those excellent qualities
of mind that he was master of; that reason did not extend
itself with the bulk of the body; on the contrary, we observed
in our country, that the tallest persons were usually the
least provided with it; that among other animals, bees and
ants had the reputation of more industry, art, and sagacity
than many of the larger kinds; and that, as inconsiderable
as he took me to be, I hoped I might live to do his majesty
some signal service." The king heard me with attention,
and began to conceive a much better opinion of m_e than he
had ever before. He desired "I would give him as exact an
account of the government of England as 1 possibly could ;
because, as fond as princes commonly are of their own cus-
toms (for so he conjectured of other monarchs by my former
discourse), he should be glad to hear of anything that might
deserve imitation."
Imagine with thyself, courteous reader, how often I then
wished for the tongue of Demosthenes or Cicero, that might
have enabled me to celebrate the praise of my own dear na-
tive country, in a style equal to its merits and felicity.
I began my discourse by informing his majesty, that our
dominions consisted of two islands, which composed three
mighty kingdoms, under one sovereign, besides our planta-
tions in America. I dwelt long upon the fertility of our soil,
and the temperature of our climate. I then spoke at large
upon the constitution of an English Parliament; partly made
of an illustrious body, called the House of Peers; persons of
the noblest blood, and of the most ancient and ample patri-
monies. I described that extraordinary care alwa3^s taken of
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 177
their education in art and arms, to qualify tliem for being-
counsellors both to the king and kingdom; to have a share in
the legislature; to be members of the highest court of judi-
cature, whence there can be no appeal; and to be champions
always ready for the defense of their prince and country, by
their valor, conduct, and fidelity. That these were the orna-
ment and bulwark of the kingdom, worthy followers of their
most renowned ancestors, whose honor had been the reward
of their virtue, from which their posterity were never once
known to degenerate. To these were joined several holy
persons, as part of that assembly, under the title of bishops,
whose peculiar business it is to take care of religion, and of
those who instruct the people therein. These were searched
and sought out through the whole nation, by the prince and
his Vv^isest counsellors, among such of the priesthood as were
most deservedly distinguished by the sanctity of their life,
and the depth of their erudition ; who were indeed th^ .^pirif--
u alfathersjpf the_rlerp;y j n f\j h p^pi^^Spl
THat the other part of the ParliamentTonsisted of an as-
sembly, called the House of Commons, Vv^ho were all prin-
cipal gentlemen, freely picked and culled out by the people
themselves, for their great abilities and love of their coun-
* The doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, so strenu-
ously maintained by many English divines, rendered the Church an
object of suspicion to the several Whig cabinets, and ministerial
patronage was exerted to weaken the political influence of the Church
by promoting persons not likely to maintain the claims of ecclesias-
tical pov/er. Not only Swift, but many others, complained that the
Church was betrayed by the State, and that the secular power was
directly exerted to overthrow episcopal authority. Bishop Warbur-
ton in one of his letters, urges this complaint with his usual force,
vulgarity and mannerism; the passage is also remarkable for a
Brobdingnagian image worthy of Swift himself. "You mention
Noah's ark. I have really forgot what I said of it. But I suppose I
compared it to the Church, as many a grave divine has done before
me. The Rabbins make the giant Gog or Magog contemporary with
Noah, and convinced by his preaching; so that he was disposed to take
the benefit of the Ark. But here lay the distress; it by no means
suited his dimensions. Therefore, as he could not enter in, he con-
tented himself to ride upon it astride. And though you must sup-
pose, that in that stormy weather he was more than half boots over,
he kept his seat, and dismounted safely when the ark landed on
Mount Ararat. Image now to yourself this illustrious cavalier mount-
ed on his hackney; and see if it does not bring before you the Church
bestrid by some lumpish minister of state, who turns and winds it at
his pleasure. The only difference is, that Gog believed the preacher
of righteousness and religion."
The former comparison of the Church to the ark, which Warbur-
ton's correspondent appears to have noticed, is not less characteristic.
"The church, like the ark of Noah, is worth saving; not for tne sake
of the unclean beasts and vermin that almost filled it, and probably
made most noise and clamor in it, but for the little corner of ration-
ality, that was as much distressed by the stink within as by the
tempest without."'
12
178 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
try, to represent the wisdom of the whole nation. And that
these two bodies made up the most august assembly in Eu-
rope, to whom, in conjunction with the prince, the whole
legislature is committed.
I then descended to the courts of justice; over which the
judges, those venerable sages and interpreters of the law,
presided, for determining the disputed rights and properties
of men, as well as for the punishment of vice and protection
of innocence. I mentioned the prudent management of
our treasury; the valor and achievements of our forces, by
sea and land. I computed the number of our people, by
reckoning how many millions there might be of each relig-
ious sect, or political party among us. I did not omit even
our sports and pastimes, or any other particular which I
thought might redound to the honor of my country. And I
finished all with a brief historical account of affairs and
events in England for about a hundred years past.
This conversation was not ended under five audiences,
each of several hours; and the king heard the whole with
great attention, frequently taking notes of what I spoke,
as well as memorandums of what questions he intended to
ask me.
When I had put an end to these long discourses, his maj-
esty, in a sixth audience, consulting his notes, proposed
many doubts, queries, and objections, upon every article.
He asked, ''what methods were used to cultivate the minds
and bodies of our young nobility, and in what kind of busi-
ness they commonly spend the first and teachable part of
their lives? What course was taken to supply that assembly,
when any noble family became extinct? What qualifications
wevQ necessary in those who are to be created new lords:
whether the humor of the prince, a sum of money to a court
lady, or a design of strengthening a party opposite to the
public interest, ever happened to be the motives in those ad-
vancements?'*' What share of knowledge these lords had in
the laws of their country, and how they came by it, so as to
enable them to decide the properties of their fellow-subjects
* A bill for the limitation of the Peerag-e was passed by the House
of Lords in 1719; but after a long- debate, was rejected by an over-
whelming majority of the Commons. On this occasion, the Tories
joined with that section of the V^^'higs which recognized Walpole as a
leader. Swift unconsciously has adopted a portion of the reasoning
of his great enemy.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 179
in the last resort? Whether they were always so free from
avarice, partialities, or want, that a bribe, or some other
sinister view, could have no place among them? Whether
those holy lords I spoke of were always promoted to that
rank upon account of their knowledge in religious matters,
and the sanctity of their lives; had never been compilers
with the times, while they were common priests; or slavish
prostitute chaplains to some nobleman, whose opinions they
continued servilely to follow, after they were admitted into
thatassembly?"t
He then desired to know "what arts were practiced in
electing those whom I called commoners; whether a strang-
er with a strong purse, might not influence the vulgar voters
to choose him before their own landlord, or the most con-
siderable gentleman in the neighborhood? How it came to
pass, that people were so violently bent upon getting into
this assembly, which I allowed to be a great trouble and ex-
pense, often to the ruin of their families, without any salary
t Swift very frequently assailed the Irish bench of bishops, assert-
ing that they were ig-norant of the creed of their own church; in one
of these attacks on the episcopal body, he says,—
Of whom there are not four at most
Who know there is an Holy Ghost;
And when they boast they have conferr'd it
Like Paul's Ephesians never heard it;
And when they gave it 'tis well known,
They gave what never was their own.
In another political squib, we find the following bitter lines,—
Let prelates by their- good behavior,
Convince us they believe a Savior;
Nor sell, what they so dearly bought.
This country, now their own, for nought
The Bishop of Kilkenny was particularly obnoxious to the Dean,
and bears the brunt of Swift's fierce attack on the Irish bench for pro-
posing to divide the church livings.
Old Latimer, preaching, did fairly describe
A bishop, who ruled all the rest of his tribe;
And who is this bishop? and where did he dwell?
Why, truly, 'tis Satan, Archbishop of Hell;
And he was a primate, and he wore a mitre.
Surrounded with jewels of sulphur and nitre.
How nearly this bishop our bishops resembles!
But he has the odds who believes and who trembles.
Could you see his Grim Grace, for a poimd to a penny, ^
You'd swear it must be the baboon of Kilkenny;
For Satan will think the comparison odious;
I wish I could find him out one more commodious.
But this I am sure, the most reverend old dragon
Had got on the bench m.anv bishops suffragan;
And all men believe he resides there incog.
To give them by turns an invisible jog.
180 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
or pension; because this appeared such an exalted strain of
virtue and public spirit, that his majesty seemed to doubt it
might possibly not be alvv^ays sincere?"* And he desired to
know, "whether such zealous gentlemen could have any
views of refunding themselves for the charges and trouble
they were at, by sacrificing the public good to the designs
of a weak and vicious prince, in conjunction with a corrupted
ministry?" He multiplied his questions, and sifted me thor-
oughly upon every part of this head, proposing numberless
inquiries and objections, which I think it not prudent or con-
venient to repeat.
Upon what I said in relation to our courts of justice his
majesty desired to be satisfied in several points: and this I
Avas the better able to do, having been formerly almost ruined
by a long suit in chancery, which was decreed for me with
costs. He asked, "what time V\^as usually spent in determin-
ing between right and wrong, and what degree of expense?
* Considerable excitement was produced by Sir John Cope having
charg-ed Sir Francis Pag-e, one of the barons of the Exchequer, with
endeavoring- to corrupt the borough of Banbury, in order to secure
the return of Sir William Codrington at the next election. The
charge was heard at the bar of the House of Commons, arid though
the ministers of the day exerted all their influence to shield the judge,
he was acquitted by a majority of four only, the numbers being 128
to 124. A bill for securing- the Freedom of Elections was about the
same time rejected by the House of Lords, througn the influence of
the ministers, who had failed to strangle it in the Commons. This
afforded the Tories an opportunity of representing themselves as the
friends, and the Whigs as the enemies of constitutional liberty, which
they were too wise to neglect. During the debate in the Commons,
Mr. Hutcheson, member of Hastings, used the following language,
which seems to have sug-g-ested the king- of Brobdingnag's queries to
Swift: "But what in God's name can all this tend to? What other
construction can any man in common sense put upon all those things,
but that there seems to have been a grand design of violence and
oppression, first to humble you, and make your necks pliable to the
yoke, and then to finish the work, by tempting the poverty and neces-
sities of the people to sell themselves into the most abject and detest-
able slavery, for that very money which had been either unneces-
sarily raised, or mercilessly and unjustly plundered and torn from
their very bowels? And thus you may be in a fair way of being
beaten by your own v^eapons. Nor can I imagine what Inducement
men have who run from borough to borough, and purchase their elec-
tions at such extravagant rates, unless it be from a strong- expecta-
t^'on of being well paid for their votes, and of receiving ample recom-
pense and reward for the secret service they have covenanted to
perform here.* * * It were very much to be wished, that gentlemen
of estates and families in the country would heartily um"te in this
particular, of keeping- the elections in the several counties among
themselves; that they would resolve inviolably to support each
otfter's interests against the encroachments and corrupt applications
of strangers, let them come from what quarter they will. If this
were done, it would, in a great measure, put an end to those danger-
ous and infamous practices that are now on foot, and we m^ght
hope once more to see this House filled with gentlemen of free and
independent fortunes, such as would be above making their court any-
where at the expense of their country, and would despise all manner
of slavish concessions to men in power."
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 181
Whether advocates and orators had Uberty to plead in causes
manifestly known to be unjust, vexatious, or oppressive?
Whether party, in religion or politics, were observed to be of
any weight in the scales of justice? Whether those pleading
orators were persons educated in the general knowledge of
equity, or only in provincial, national, and other local cus-
toms? Whether they or their judges had any part in pen-
ning those laws, which they assumed the liberty of interpret-
ing, and glossing upon at their pleasure? Whether they had
ever, at different times, pleaded for and against the same
cause, and cited precedents to prove contrary opinions?
Whether they were a rich or a poor corporation? Whether
they received any pecuniary reward for pleading, or deliver-
ing their opinions? And particularly, whether they were ever
admitted as members in the lower senate?"*
♦ He fell next upon the management of our treasury; and
said, ''he thought my memory had failed me, because I com-
puted our taxes at about five or six milHons a year, and when
I came to mention the issues, he found they sometimes
amounted to more than double: for the notes he had taken
were very particular in this point, because he hoped, as he
told me, that the knowledge of our conduct might be useful
to him, and he could not be deceived in his calculations. f
* In the session of 1720 Sir William Thompson, Solicitor-General,
charged Mr. Lechmere, Attorney-General, with breach of his oath,
tnast and duty, as a privy councillor, saying- that he acted as counsel,
and received sums of money for his advce in matters to him referred
by the Privy Council as Attorney-General. The cnarge was investigated
by a committee of the whole House; it appeared tha.t Mr. Lechmere had
taken nothing but his usual fees as chamber counsellor, and the
accusation was declared by the House to be false, scandalous, and
malicious. The lawyers of Swift's day were for the most part Whigs,
and strongly attached to the Protestant succession; they were on this
account particularly odious to the Jacobites, and when individual
satire failed, bitter attacks were made on the ent're legal profession.
It must, however, be added, that the Whig lawyers were too ready
to extend the dangerous principle of constructive treason, and far too
ardent in their prosecutions for libel. Swift was particularly host-le
to lawyers on account of the vexatious prosecutions undertaken
against the printers and publishers of the Drapier's Letters, and he
never omits an opportunity of venting his indignation.
t The National Debt was first incurred by the Whig administrations
in the reigns of William HI. and Queen Anne, when the ordinary rev-
enue was found inadequate to the expenses of the great wars against
France. It was a favorite topic of declamation with their Tory
opponents, and was not the least efficacious in depriving the Whigs
of their popularity. In 1772 the Tones proposed the following resolu-
tion in the Lords: "That the lessening the public debt annually by all
proper methods is necessary to the restoring and securing the public
credit." The previous question was carried; upon v.'hich, a spirited
protest was entered on the Journals, and copies of it industriously cir-
culated through the country.
382 GULLIVER'S TRAVEL^.
lUit, if v.iiat I told him were true, he was still at a loss how a
kingdom could run out of its estate, like a private person."
He asked me 'Svho were our creditors; and where we found
money to pay them?" He wondered to hear me talk of such
chargeable and expensive wars; "that certainly we must be
a quarrelsome people, or live among very bad neighbors,
and that our generals must needs be richer than our kings."
He asked "what business we had out of our own islands,
unless upon the score of trade or treaty, or to defend the
coasts with our fleet?" Above all, he was amazed to hear me
talk of a mercenary standing army, in the midst of peace,
and among a free people. He said, "if we were governed
by our own consent, in the persons of our representatives, he
could not imagine of whom we w^ere afraid, or against whom
Ave were to fight; and would hear my opinion, whether a
private man's house might not better be defended by himself^
his children, and family, than by half a dozen rascals, picked
up at a venture in the streets for small wages, wdio might
get a hundred times more by cutting their throats.""^
He laughed at my "odd kind of arithmetic," as he was
pleased to call it, "in reckoning the numbers of our people
iDy a computation drawn from the several sects among us in
religion and politics." He said "he knew no reason v/liy
those, who entertain opinions prejudicial to the public,
should be obliged to change, or should not be obliged to con-
ceal them. And as it was tyranny in any government to re-
quire the first, so it was w^eakness not to enforce the second:
for a man may be allowed to keep poisons in his closet, but
not to vend them about for cordials."f
* One of the most memorable debates m the reign of George I. was
on the grant for maintaining a standing army of sixteen thousanc'
men. Mr. Shippen and Mr. Jeffries resisted the proposal w^h great
energy, and the former used such severity of language that he was
committed to the Tower. The Tories, both on this question and on the
Debt, had a decided advantage in argument over their adversaries
especially as they could appeal to a parliamentary resolution in the
reign of Charles II., which declared, "That the continuance of stand-
ing forces in this nation, other than the militia, is illegal and a great
grievance and vexation to the people." Mr. Shippen, in his speech
perplexed the Whigs by referring to their own recorded principles'
"It is," said he, "every year declared in the Act of Mutiny and Deser-
tion, that the keeping up of a standard army in time of peace is
against law; and as the freeing us from it was one of the ends of
the Revolution, so no doubt, the preserving us forever from an
attempt of the like nature, was one of those innumerable glorious
advantages proposed by the Acts of Succession."
t It is not easy to reconcile these intolerant sentiments with the
opinions on toleration already noticed in the Voyage to Lillipul.
There was at this time reason to fear that the Presbyterians would
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 183
He observed, ''that among the diversions of our nobility
and gentry, I had mentioned gaming; he desired to know
at what age this entertainment was usually taken up, and
when it was laid down; how much of their time it em-
ployed; whether it ever went so high as to affect their for-
tunes; whether mean, vicious people, by their dexterity in
that art, might not arrive at great riches, and sometimes keep
our very nobles in dependence, as well as habituate them to
vile companions; wholly take from them the improvement
of their minds, and force them, by the losses they received,:}:
to learn and practice that infamous dexterity upon others?"
He was perfectly astonished with the historical account I
gave him of our affairs during the last century; protesting it
was only a heap of conspiracies, rebellions, murders, massa-
cres, revolutions, banishments, the very worst effects that
avarice, faction, hypocrisy, perfidiousness, cruelty, rage, mad-
ness hatred, envy, lust, malice, and ambition could produce.
His majesty, in another audience, was at the pains to re-
capitulate the sum of all I had spoken; compared the
questions he made with the answers I had given ; then tak-
ing me into his hands, and stroking me gently, delivered him-
self in these words, which I shall never forget, nor the man-
ner he spoke them in: ''My little friend Grildrig, you have
made a most admirable panegyric upon your country; you
have clearly proved that ignorance, idleness, and vice, are
the proper ingredients for qualifying a legislator; that laws
are best explained, interpreted, and applied, by those whose
interest and abilities lie in perverting, confounding, and elud-
ing them. I observe among you some lines of an institution,
which in its original might have been tolerable, but these half
erased, and the rest wholly blurred and blotted by corrup-
tions. It does not appear, from what you have said, how
any one perfection is required toward the procurement of
any one station among you; much less that men are en-
nobled on account of their virtue; that priests are advanced
by their piety (*r learning; soldiers, for their conduct or
valor; judges for their integrity; senators, for the love of
obtain the ascendency in the Irish Parliament, and abolish episco-
pacy; hence probably arises Swift's bitterness against secretaries,
which is very strongly manifested here, and in his celebrated Letter
on the Sacramental Test.
J Receiving a loss, "is certainly not a good expression; it should be,
"the losses they have sustained."— Sheridan.
184 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
their country ; or counsellors for their wisdom. As for your-
self," continued the king, ''who have spent the greatest part
of your life in traveling, I am well disposed to hope you
may hitherto have escaped many vices of your country. But
by what I have gathered from your own relation, and the an-
swers I have with much pains wringed"^ and extorted from
you, I cannot but conclude the bulk of your natives to be
the most pernicious race of little odious vermin that nature
ever suffered to crawl upon the surface of the earth."
CHAPTER VII.
THE AUTHOR'S LOVE OF HIS COUNTRY— HE MAKES A PRO-
POSAL OF MUCH ADVANTAGE TO THE KING, WHICH IS
REJECTED— THE KING'S GREAT IGNORANCE IN POLITICS
—THE LEARNING OF THAT COUNTRY VERY IMPERFECT
AND CONFINED — THE LAWS AND MILITARY AFFAIRS,
AND PARTIES IN THE STATE.
Love of truth could alone have hindered me from conceal-
ing this part of my story. It was in vain to discover my re-
sentments, which were always turned into ridicule; and I
was forced to rest with patience, while my noble and beloved
country was so injuriously treated. I am as heartily sorry
as any of my readers can possibly be, that such an occasion
was given; but this prince happened to be so curious and
inquisitive upon every particular, that it could not consist
either with gratitude or good manners, to refuse giving him
what satisfaction I was able. Yet thus much I may be allowed
to say in my own vindication, that I artfully eluded many
of his questions, and gave to every point a more favorable
turn, by many degrees, than the strictness of truth would
allow. For I have always borne that laudable partiality to
my own country, which Dionysius Halicarnassensis, with so
much justice, recommends to an historian: I would hide
the frailities and deformities of my political mother, and
place her virtues and beauties in the most advantageous
light. This was my sincere endeavor in those many dis-
courses I had with that monarch, although it unfortunately
failed of success.
* Instead of "wrlnged," it should have been "wrung-."— Sheridan,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 185
But great allowances should be given to a king who lives
wholly secluded from the rest of the world, and must there-
fore be altogether unacquainted with the manners and cus-
toms that most prevail in other nations ; the want of which
knowledge will ever produce many prejudices, and a certain
narrowness of thinking, from which we and the politer
countries of Europe, are wholly exempted. And it would be
hard indeed, if so remote a prince's notions of virtue and
vice were to be offered as a standard for all mankind.
To confirm what I have now said, and further to show the
miserable effects of a confined education, I shall here insert
a passage, which will hardly obtain belief. In hopes to in-
gratiate myself further into his majesty's favor, I told him
of "an invention, discovered between three and four hundred
years ago, to make a certain powder, into a heap of which.
the smallest spark of fire falling, would kindle the whole in
a moment, although it were as big as a mountain, and make
it fly up in the air together, with a noise and agitation greater
than thunder. That a proper quantity of this powder rammed
into a hollow tube of brass or iron, according to its bigness,
would drive a ball of iron or lead, with such violence and
speed, as nothing was able to sustain its force. That the
largest balls thus discharged, would not only destroy whole
ranks of an army at once, but batter the strongest walls to
the ground; sink down ships with a thousand men in each,
to the bottom of the sea; and when linked together, by a
chain, would cut through masts and rigging, divide hundreds
of bodies in the middle, and lay all waste before them. That
we often put this powder into large hollow balls of iron,
and discharged them by an engine into some city we were
besieging, which would rip up the pavements, tear the houses
to pieces, burst and throw the splinters, on every side, dash-
ing out the brains of all who came near. That I knew the j
ingredients very well, which were cheap and common; I
understood the manner of comipounding them, and could
direct his workmen how to make those tubes, of a size pro-
portionable to all other things in his majesty's kingdom,
and the largest need not be above a hundred feet long;
twenty or thirty of which tubes, charged with the proper
quantity of powder and balls, would batter down the walls
of the strongest town in his dominions in a few hours, or
destroy the whole metropolis, if ever it should pretend to
ISa GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
dispute his absolute commands. This I humbly offered to his
majesty, as a small tribute of acknowledgment, in return of
so many marks that I had received of his royal favor and pro-
tection."
The king was struck with horror at the description I had
given of these terrible engines, and the proposal I had made.
"He was amazed, how so impotent and groveling an insect
as I" (these were his expressions) "could entertain such in-
human ideas, and in so familiar a manner, and to appear
wholly unmoved at all the scenes of blood and desolation
which I had painted, as the common efifects of those destruc-
tive machines; whereof," he said, ''some evil genius, enemy
to mankind, must have been the first contriver. As for
himself, he protested, that although few things delighted
him so much as new discoveries in art or nature, yet he
would rather lose half his kingdom than be privy to such a
secret; which he commanded me, as I valued my life, never
to mention any more."*
A strange effect of narrow principles and views! that a
prince possessed of every quality which procures veneration,
love and esteem; of strong parts, great wisdom, and pro-
found learning; endowed with admirable talents, and almost
adored by his subjects, should from a nice unnecessary
scruple, whereof in Europe we can have no conception, let
slip an opportunity put into his hands that would have made
him absolute master of the lives, the liberties, and the for-
tunes of his people.f Neither do I say this, with the least
intention to detract from the many virtues of that excellent
king, whose character, I am sensible, will, on this account,
be very much lessened in the opinion of an English reader;
but I take this defect among them to have risen from their
* It is scarcely necessary to expose the fallacious reasoning- of this
passage; everybody knows that wars have been far less sanguinarj'
since th© invention of gunpowder than they were before, and that
every improvement in the arts of destruction has been followed by a
saving of human life. Swift, however, knew that the g-lories of Marl-
borough's campaigns were the chief source of the popularity of the
VVh^gs, and as he could not deny the military merits of these victories,
he hoped to weaken their influence by declaiming against wars in
general.
t It was more than hinted by the Tories, that the House of Bruns-
wick intended to make use of the standing army to subvert British
liberty. Mr. Shippen, in the speech to which allusion has been already
made, said, "That the second paragraph of the King's speech seemed
rather to be calculated for the meridian of Germany than Great
Britain; and that the King was a stranger to our language anfi
constitution." It was for these expressions that he was comnilttef}
to the Tower,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. IS"^
ignorance, by not having hitherto reduced politics into a
science, as the more acute wits of Europe have done. For,
I remember very well, in a discourse one day with the king,
when I happened to say, ''there were several thousand books
among us written upon the art of government," it gave him
(directly contrary to my intention) a very mean opinion of
our understandings. He professed both to abominate and
despise all mystery, refinement, and intrigue, either in a
prince or a minister. He could not tell what I meant by se-
crets of state, where an enemy, or some rival nation, were not
in the case. He confined the knowledge of governing vv^ithin
very narrow bounds, to common sense and reason, to jus-
tice and lenity, to the speedy determination of civil and crim-
inal causes; with some other obvious topics, which are not
worth considering. And he gave it for his opinion, ''that
whoever could make two ears of corn, or two blades of
grass, to grow upon a spot of ground, where only one grew
before, would deserve better of mankind, and do more es-
sential service to his country than the whole race of politi-
cians put together.''^
The learning of this people is very defective; consisting
only in morality,, history, poetry, and mathematics, wherein
they must be allowed to excel. But the last of these is v^^holly
applied to what may be useful in life, to the improvement of
agriculture and all mechanical arts; so that among us, it
would be little esteemed. And as to ideas, entities, abstrac-
tions, and transcendentals, I could never drive the least con-
ception into their heads.
No law of that country must exceed in words the number
of letters in their alphabet, v^hich consists only of two-and-
twenty. But indeed few of them extend even to that length.
They are expressed in the most plain and simple terms,
wherein those people are not mercurial enough to discover
above one interpretation ; and to write a comment upon any
law is a capital crime. As to the decision of civil causes, or
proceedings against criminals, their precedents are so few,
that they have little reason to boast of any extraordinary skill
in either.
They have had the art of printing, as well as -the Chinese,
t The Tories were always anxious to identify themselves with
the agricultural interest, to which Swift consequently loses no op-
portunity of paying a compliment.
I8g GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
time out of mind: but their libraries are not very large ; lor
that of the king, which is reckoned the largest, does not
amount to above a thousand volumes, placed in a gallery of
twelve hundred feet long, whence I had liberty to borrow
what books I pleased. The queen's joiner had contrived m
one of Glumdalclitch's rooms, a kind of wooden machme
five-and-twenty feet high, formed like a standing ladder;
the steps were each fifty feet long; it was indeed a movable
pair of stairs, the lowest end placed at ten feet distance from
the wall of the chamber. The book I had a mind to read,
was put up leaning against the wall: I first mounted to the
upper step of the ladder, and turning my face towards the
book, began at the top of the page, and so walking to the
right or left about eight or ten paces, according to the length
of the lines, till I had gotten a little below the level of mine
eyes, and then descending gradually till I came to the bot-
tom: after which I mounted again, and began the other
page in the same manner, and so turned over the leaf, which
I could easily do with both my hands, for it was as thick and
stiff as a pasteboard, and in the largest folios not above
eighteen or twenty feet long.
Their style is clear, masculine, and smooth, but not florid;
for they avoid nothing more than muUiplying unnecessary
words, or using various expressions. I have perused many
of their books, especially those^ in history and morality.
Among the rest, I was much diverted with a little old treatise,
which always lay in Glumdalclitch's bedchamber, and be-
longed to her governess, a grave elderly gentlewoman, who
dealt in writings of morality and devotion. The book
treats of the weakness of human kind, and is in little esteem
except among the women and the vulgar. However, I Vv^as
curious to see what an author of that country could say upon
such a subject. This writer went through all the usual topics
of European moralists, showing "how diminutive, contempt-
ible, and helpless an animal was man in his own nature;^ how
unable to defend himself from inclemencies of the air, or
the fury of wild beasts: how much he was excelled by one
creature in strength, by another in speed, by a third in fore-
sight, by a fourth in industry." He added, ''that nature was
degenerated in these latter declining- ages of the world, and
could now produce only small abortive births, in comparison
of those in ancient times." He said, "it was very reasonable
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 189
to tluJik, not only that the species of men were originally
much larger, but also that there must have been giants in
former ages ; which, as it is asserted by history and tradition,
so it has been confirmed by huge bones and skulls, casually
dug up in several parts of the kingdom, far exceeding the
common dwindled race of men in our days." He argued,
"that the very laws of nature absolutely required we should
■nave been made, in the beginning, of a size more large and
^obust, not so liable to destruction from every little accident,
of a tile falling from a house or a stone cast from the hand of
a boy, or being drowned in a little brook." From this way
of reasoning, the author drew several moral applications,
useful in the conduct of life, but needless here to repeat. For
my own part, I could not avoid reflecting how universally
this talent was spread, of drawing lectures in morality, or
indeed rather matter of discontent and repining, from the
quarrels we raise with nature. And I beheve, upon a strict
inquiry, those quarrels might be shown as ill-grounded
among us as they are among that people.
As to their military affairs, they boast that the king's army
consists of a hundred and seventy-six thousand foot and thir-
ty-two thousand horse: if that may be called an army, which
is made up of tradesmen in the several cities, and farmers in
the country, whose commanders are only the nobility and
gentry, without pay or reward. They are indeed perfect
enough in their exercises, and under very good discipHne,
wherein I saw no great merit; for how should it be other-
wise, where every farmer is under the command of his own
landlord, and every citizen under that of the principal men o!
his own»city, chosen, after the manner of Venice, by ballot?
I have often seen the militia of Lorbrulgrud drawn out to
exercise, in a great field, near the city, of twenty miles
square. There were in all not above twxnty-five thousand
foot, and six thousand horse; but it was impossible for me
to compute their number, considering the space of ground
they took up. A cavalier mounted on a large steed might
be about ninety feet high. Thave seen this whole body of
horse, upon a word of command, draw their swords at once
and brandish them in the air. Imagination can figure noth-
ing so grand, so surprising, and so astonishing! it looked
as if ten thousand flashes of lightning were darting at the
same time from every quarter of the sky.
190 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
I was curious to know how this prince, to whose domin-
ions there is no access from any other country, came to think
of armies, or to teach his people the practice of mihtary
discipline. But I was soon informed, both by conversation
and reading their histories; for, in the course of many ages,
they have been troubled with the same disease to which the
whole race of mankind is subject: the nobility often contend-
ing for power, the people for liberty, and the king for abso-
lute dominion. All which, however, happily tempered by
the laws of that kingdom, have been sometimes violated by
each of the three parties, and have more than once occas-
ioned civil wars ; the last whereof was happily put an end to
by this prince's grandfather, in a general composition, and
the militia, then settled with common consent, has been ever
since kept in the strictest duty.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE KING AND QUEEN MAKE A PROGRESS TO THE
FRONTIERS — THE AUTHOR ATTENDS THEM — THE
MANNER IN WHICH HE LEAVES THE COUNTRY VERY
PARTICULARLY RELATED— HE RETURNS TO ENGLAND.
Junctures of perilous circumstances, from which I had
already escaped, inspired me with a strong impulse that I
should sometime recover my liberty, though it was impos-
sible to conjecture by what means, or to form any project
with the least hope of succeeding. The ship in which I
sailed was the first known to be driven within sight of that
coast, and the king had given strict orders, "that if at any
time another appeared, it should be taken ashore, and with
all its crew and passengers brought in a timbril to Lorbrul-
grud." He was strongly bent to get me a woman of my own
size, by whom I might propagate the breed: but I think I
should rather have died than undergone the disgrace of
leaving a posterity to be kept in cages, like tame canary
birds, and perhaps, in time, sold about the kingdom, to
persons of quality, for curiosities. I was indeed treated with
much^kindness : I was the favorite of a great king and queen,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. li)l
and the delight of the whole court; but it was upon such a
foot as ill became the dignity of human-kind. I could never
forget these domestic pledges I had left behind me. I want-
ed to be among people with whom I could converse upon
even terms, and walk about the streets and fields without
being afraid of being trod to death like a frog or a young
puppy. But my deliverance came sooner than I expected,
and in a manner not very common : the whole story and cir-
cumstances of vvhich I shall faithfully relate.
I had not been two years in the country: and about the
beginning of the third, Glumdalclitch and I attended the
king and queen, in a progress to the south coast of the king-
dom. I was carried, as usual, in my traveling box, which as I
have before described, was a very convenient closet of twelve
feet wide. And I had ordered a hammock to be fixed, by
silken ropes, from the four corners at the top, to break the
jolts when a servant carried me before him on horseback,
as I sometimes desired; and would often sleep in my ham-
mock while we were upon the road. On the roof of my
closet, not directly over the middle of the hanmiock, I or-
dered the joiner to cut a hole of a foot square, to give mc
air in hot weather as I slept; which hole I shut at
pleasure, with a board that drew backward and forward
through a groove.
When we came to our journey's end, the king thought
proper to pass a few days at a palace he has near Flanfiasnic,
a city within eighteen English miles of the sea-side. Glum-
dalclitch and I were much fatigued: I had gotten a small
cold, but the poor girl was so ill as to be confined to her
chamber. I longed to see the ocean, which must be the only
scene of my escape, if ever it should happen. I pretended to
be worse than I really was, and desired leave to take the fresh
air of the sea, with a page, whom I was very fond of, and who
had sometimes been trusted with me. I shall never forget
with what unwillingness Glumdalclitch consented, nor the
strict charge she gave the page to be careful of me, bursting
at the same time into a flood of tears, as if she had some fore-
boding of what was to happen. The boy took me out in my
box, about half an hour's walk from the palace, towards the
rocks on the sea-shore. I ordered him to set me down, and
lifting up one of my sashes, cast many a wistful melancholy
look towards the sea. I found myself not very well, and told
m GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the page that I had a mind to take a nap in my hammock,
which I hoped would do me good. I got in, and the boy
shut the window close down to keep out the cold. I soon
fell asleep, and all I can conjecture is, while I slept, the page,
thinking no danger could happen, went among the rocks
to look for birds' eggs, having before observed him from my
window searching about, and picking up one or two in the
clefts. Be that as it will, I found myself suddenly av/akened
with a violent pull upon the ring, which was fastened to the
top of my box for the convenience of carriage. I felt my box
raised very high in the air, and then borne forward with
prodigious speed. The first jolt had like to have shaken me
out of my hammock, but afterwards the motion was easy
enough. I called out several times as loud as I could raise
my voice, but all to no purpose. I looked towards my win-
dows, and could see nothing but the clouds and sky. I heard
a noise over my heard, like the clapping of wings, and then
began to perceive the woeful condition I was in ; that some
eagle had got the cord of my box in his beak, with an intent
to let it fall on the rock, like a tortoise in a shell, and then
pick out my body and devour it: for the sagacity and smell
of this bird enabled him to discover his quarry at a great dis-
tance, though better concealed than I could be within a two-
inch board. In a little time I observed the noise and flutter
of wings to increase very fast, and my box was tossed up and
down, like a sign in a windy day. I heard several bangs
or bufifets, as I thought, given to the eagle (for such I am
certain it must have been that held the cord of my box in his
beak), and then, all of a sudden, felt myself falling perpendic-
ularly down, for above a minute, but with such incredible
swiftness, that I almost lost my breath. My fall was stopped
by a terrible squash, that sounded louder to my ears than
the cataract of Niagara;"^' after which, I was quite in the
dark for another minute, and then my box began to rise so
high, that I could see light from the tops of the windows.
I now perceived I was fallen into the sea. My box, by the
weight of my body, the goods that were in it, and the broad
plates of iron fixed for strength at four comers of the top
and bottom, floated about five feet deep in water. I did then,
* This cataract is produced by the fall of a conflux of water (formed
of the four vast lakes of Canada) from a rocky precipice, the per-
pendicular height of which is one hundred and thirty-seven feet; and
it is said to have been heard fifteen leagues.— Hawkesworth.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 193
and do now suppose, that the eagle which flew away with my
box was pursued by two or three others, and forced to let
me drop, while he defended himself against the rest, who
hoped to share in the prey. The plates of iron fastened at the
bottom of the box (for those were the strongest) preserved
the balance while it fell, and hindered it from being broken
on the surface of the water. Every joint of it was well
grooved; and the door did not move on hinges, but up and
down like a sash, which kept my closet so tight that very
little water came in. I got with much difficulty out of my
hammock, having first ventured to draw back the slip-board
on the roof already mentioned, contrived on purpose to let
in air, for want of which I found myself almost stifled.
How often did I then wish myself with my dear Glumdal-
clitch, from w4iom one single hour had so far divided me!
And I may say with truth, that in the midst of my own mis-
fortunes I could not forbear lamenting my poor nurse, the
grief she would suffer for my loss, the displeasure of the
queen, and the ruin of her fortune. Perhaps many travelers
have not been under greater difficulties and distress than I
was at this juncture, expecting every moment to see my box
dashed to pieces, or at least overset by the first violent blast
or rising wave. A breach in one single pane of glass would
have been immediate death: nor could anything have pre-
served the windows, but the strong lattice wires placed on
the outside, against accidents in traveling. I saw the water
ooze in at several crannies, although the leaks were not con-
siderable, and I endeavored to stop them as w^ell as I could.
I was not able to lift up the roof of my closet, which other-
wise I certainly should have done, and sat on the top of it:
v/here I might at least preserve myself some hours longer,
than by being shut up (as I may call it) in the hold. Or if I
escaped these dangers for a day or two, what could I expect,
but a miserable death of cold and hunger? I was for four
hours under these circumstances, expecting, and indeed
wishing every moment to be my last.
I have already told the reader that there were two strong
staples fixed upon that side of my box which had no win-
dow; and into which the servant who used to carry me on
horseback, would put a leather belt, and buckle it about his
waist. Being in this disconsolate state, I heard, or at least
13
194 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
thought I heard^ some kind of a grating noise on that side
of my box where the staples were fixed; and soon after 1
began to fancy that the box was pulled or towed along the
sea; for I now and then felt a sort of tugging, which made
the waves rise near the tops of my windows, leaving me al-
most in the dark. This gave me som^e faint hopes of relief,
although I was not able to imagine how it could be brought
about. I ventured to unscrew one of my chairs, which were
always fastened to the floor; and having made a hard shift
to screw it down again directly under the slipping-board that
I had lately opened, I mounted on the chair, and putting my
mouth as near as I could to the hole, I called for help in a
loud voice, and in all the languages I understood. I then fas-
tened my handkerchief to a stick I usually carried, and
thrusting it up the hole, waved it several times in the air,
that if any boat or ship were near, the seamen might conjec-
ture some unhappy mortal to be shut up in the box.
I found no effect from all I could do, but plainly perceived
my closet to be moved along; and in the space of an hour,
or better, that side of the box where the staples were, and
had no windows, struck against something that was hard. I
apprehended it to be a rock, and found myself tossed more
than ever. I plainly heard a noise upon the cover of my
closet, like that of a cable, and the grating of it as it passed
through the ring. I then found m.yself hoisted up, by de-
grees, at least three feet higher than I was before. Where-
upon I again thrust up my stick and handkerchief, calling for
help till I was almost hoarse. In return to which, I heard a
great shout repeated three times, giving me such transports
of joy, as are not to be conceived but by those who feel them.
T now heard a trampling over my head, and somebody call-
ing through the hole in a loud voice, in the English tongue,
''If there be anybody below let him speak." I answered,
"I was an Englishman, drawn by ill fortune into the greatest
calamity that ever any creature underwent, and begged, by
all that was moving, to be delivered out of the dungeon I
was in." The voice replied, "1 was safe, for my box was
fastened to their ship ; and the carpenter should immediately
come and saw a hole in the cover, large enough to pull me
out." I answered ''that was needless, and would take up
too much time; for there was no more to be done, but let
one of the crew put his finger into the ring, and take the box
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 195
out of the sea into the ship, and so into the captain's cabin.""^
Some of them, upon hearing me talk so wildly, thought I
was mad; others laughed; for indeed it never came into my
head, that I was now got among people of my own stature
and strength. The carpenter came, and in a few minutes
sawed a passage about four feet square, then let down a
small ladder, upon which I mounted, and thence was taken
into the ship in a very weak condition.
The sailors were all amazement, and asked me a thousand
questions, which I had no incUnation to answer. I was
equally confounded at the sight of so many pig;mies. for such
I took them to be, after having so long accustomed my eyes
to the monstrous objects I had left. But the captain, Mr.
Thom.as Wilcox, an honest worthy Shropshire man, observ-
ing I was ready to faint, took me into his cabin, gave me
a cordial to comfort me, and made me turn in upon his own
bed, advising me to take a little rest, of which I had great
need. Before I went to sleep, I gave him to understand that
I had some valuable furniture in my box, too good to be lost:
a fine hammock, a handsome field-bed, two chairs, a table,
and a cabinet that my closet was hung on all sides, or rather
quilted with silk and cotton; that if he would let one of the
crew bring my closet into the cabin, I would open it there
before him, and show him my goods. The captain, hearing
me utter these absurdities, concluded I was raving; however
(I suppose to pacify me), he promised to give orders as I
desired, and going upon deck, sent some of his men down
mto my closet, whence (as I afterwards found), they drew
up all my goods, and stripped off the quilting; but the chairs,
cabinet, and bedstead, being screwed to the floor, were much
damaged by the ignorance of the seamen, who tore them up
by force. They then knocked off some of the boards for
the use of the ship, and when they had got all they had a
mind for, let the hull drop into the sea, which, by reason of
many breaches made in the bottom and sides, sunk outright.
And, indeed, I was glad not to have been a spectator of the
* There are several little incidents which show the author to have
had a deep knowledge of human nature, and I think tiiis is one.
Although the principal advantages enumerated by Gulliver in the
beginning of this chapter, of mingling again among his countrymen,
depended on their being of the same size with himself, yet this is
forgotten in his ardor to be delivered; and he is afterwards betrayed
into the same absurdity, by his zeal to preserve his furniture.—
Hawkesworth.
19G GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
havoc they made; because I am confident it would have sen-
sibly touched me, by bringing former passages into my mind
which I would rather have forgot.
I slept some hours, but perpetually disturbed with dreams
of the place I had left, and the dangers I had escaped. How-
ever, upon waking, I found myself much recovered. It was
now about eight o'clock at night, and the captain ordered
supper immediately, thinking I had already fasted too long.
He entertained me with great kindness, observing me not to
look wildly, or talk inconsistently; and when we were left
alone, desired I would give him a relation of my travels, and
by what accident I came to be set adrift in that monstrous
wooden chest. He said, "that about twelve o'clock at noon,
as he was looking through his glass, he spied it at a distance,
and thought it was a sail, which he had a mind to make, be-
ing not much out of his course, in hopes of buying some
biscuit, his own beginning to fall short. That upon coming
nearer, and finding his error, he sent out his long-boat, to
discover what it was; that his men came back in fright,
swearing they had seen a swimming house. That he laughed
at their folly, and went himself in the boat, ordering his men
to take a strong cable along with them. That the weather
being calm, he rowed round me several times, observed my
windows and wire lattice that defended them. That he dis-
covered two staples upon one side, which was all of boards,
without any passage for light. He then commanded his men
to row up to that side, and fastening a cable to one of the
staples, ordered them to tow my chest, as they called it, to-
wards the ship. When it was there, he gave directions to
fasten another cable to the ring fixed in the cover, and to
raise up my chest with pulleys, which all the sailors were not
able to do above two or three feet. He said, they saw my
stick and handkerchief thrust out of the hole, and concluded
that some unhappy man must be shut up in the cavity." I
asked, "whether he or the crew had seen any prodigious
birds in the air, about the time he first discovered me?" To
which he answered, "that discoursing this matter with the
sailors while I was asleep, one of them said, he had observed
three eagles flying towards the north, but remarked nothing
of their being larger than the usual size;" which I suppose
must be imputed to the great height they were at; and he
could not guess the reason of my question. I then asked
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 19?
the captain, *'how far he reckoned we might be from land?"
He said, "by the best computation he could make, we were
at least a hundred leagues." I assured him "that he must
be mistaken by almost half, for I had not left the country
whence I came, above two hours before I dropped into the
sea." Whereupon he began again to think my brain was
disturbed, of which he gave me a hint, and advised me to go
to bed in a cabin he had provided. I assured him, "I was
well refreshed with my good entertainment and company,
and as much in my senses as ever I was in my life." He
then grew serious, and desired to ask me freely, "whether I
were not troubled in my mind by the consciousness of some
enormous crime, for which I v/as punished, at the command
of some prince, by exposing me in that chest; as great crim-
inals, in other countries, have been forced to sea in a leaky
vessel, without provisions : for although he should be sorry
to have taken so ill a man into his ship, yet he would engage
his word to set me safe ashore, in the first port where he
arrived?" He added, "that his suspicions were much in-
creased by some absurd speeches I had delivered at first to
his sailors, and afterwards to himself, in relation to my closet
or chest, as well as by my odd looks and behavior while I was
at supper."
I begged his patience to hear me tell my story, which I
faithfully did, from the last time I left England, to the mo-
ment he first discovered me. And as truth always forces its
way into rational minds, so this honest worthy gentleman,
who had some tincture of learning, and very good sense, was
immediately convinced of my candor and veracity. But, far-
ther to confirm all I had said, I entreated him to give order
that my cabinet be brought, of which I had the key in my
pocket; for he had already informed me how the seamen dis-
posed of my closet. I opened it in his own presence, and
showed him the small collection of rarities I made in the
country from which I had been so strangely delivered. There
was the comb I had contrived out of the stumps of the king's
beard, and another of the same materials, but fixed into a
paring of her majesty's thumb-nail, which sei'ved for the
back. There was a collection of needles and pins, from a
foot to half a yard long; four wasps stings, like joiners'
tacks; some combings of the queen's hair; a gold ring
which one day she made me a present of, in a most oblig-
108 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ing manner, taking it from her little finger and throwing
it over my head like a collar. I desired the captain would
please to accept this ring in return of his civilities; which he
absolutely refused. I showed him a corn that I had cut off,
with my own hand, from a maid of honor's toe ; it was about
the bigness of a Kentish pippin, and grown so hard, that
when I returned to England, I got it hollowed into a cup,
and set in silver. Lastly, I desired him to see the breeehes
I had then on, which were made of a mouse's skin.
I could force nothing on him but a footman's tooth, which
I observed him to examine with great curiosity, and found
he had a fancy for it. He received it with abundance of
thanks, more than such a trifle could deserve. It was
drawn by an unskillful surgeon, in a mistake, from one of
Glumdalclitch's men, who was afflicted with the toothache,
but it was as sound as any in his head. I got it cleaned, and
put it into my cabinet. It was about a foot long, and four
inches in diameter.
The captain was very well satisfied with this plain relation
I had given him, and said, ''he hoped, when we returned to
England, I would oblige the world by putting it on paper,
and making it public." My answer was, "that I thought we
were overstocked with books of travels ; that nothing could
now pass which was not extraordinary; wherein, I doubted
some authors less consulted truth than their own vanity, or
interest, or the diversion of ignorant readers; that my
story could contain little besides common events, without
those ornamental descriptions of strange plants, trees, birds,
and other animals; or of the barbarous customs and idola-
try of savage people with which most writers abound. How-
ever, I thanked him for his good opinion, and promised to.
take the matter into my thoughts."
He said "he wondered at one thing very much, which was
to hear me speak so loud; asking me, whether the king and
queen of that country were thick of hearing?" I told him,
"it was what I had been used to for above two years past,
and that I admired as much at the voices of him and his men,
who seemed to me only to whisper, and yet I could hear
them well enough. But when I spoke in that country, it was
like a man talking in the streets, to another looking out from
the top of a steeple, unless when I was placed on a table, or
held in any person's hand." I told him, "I had likewise ob-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 199
served another thing, that when I first got into the ship, and
the sailors stood all about me, I thought they were the most
contemptible little creatures I had ever beheld." For, in-
deed, while I was in that prince's country, I could never en-
dure to look in a glass after mine eyes had been accustomed
to such prodigious objects, because the comparisons gave
me so despicable a conceit of myself. The captain said,
''that while we were at supper he observed me to look at
everything with a sort of wonder, and that I often seemed
hardly able to contain my laughter, which he knew not well
how to take, but imputed it to some disorder in my brain."
I answered, *'it was true; and I wondered how I could for-
bear, when I saw his dishes of the size of a silver three-pence,
a leg of pork hardly a mouthful, a cup not so big as a nut-
shell;" and so I went on, describing the rest of his household
stuff and provisions, after the same manner. For, although
the queen had ordered a little equipage of all things neces-
sary for me, while I was in her service, yet my ideas were
wholly taken up with what I saw on every side of me, and I
winked at my own littleness as people do at their own faults.
The captain understood my raillery very well, and merrily
replied with the old English proverb, that he doubted mine
eyes were bigger than my belly, for he did not observe my
stomach so good, although I had fasted all day; and con-
tinuing in his mirth, protested, ''he would have gladly given
a hundred pounds to have seen my closet in the eagle's bill,
and afterwards in its fall from so great a height into the sea ;
which would certainly have been a most astonishing object,
worthy to have the description of it transmitted to future
ages;" and the comparison of Phaeton was so obvious, that
he could not forbear applying it, although I did not much
admire the conceit
The captain having been at Tonquin, was, in his return to
England, driven north-eastward to the latitude of 44 degrees,
and longitude of 143. But meeting a trade-wind two days
after I came on board him, we sailed southward a long time,
and coasting New Holland, kept our course westrsouth-
west, and then south-south-west, till we doubled the Cape of
Good Hope. Our voyage was very prosperous, but I shall
not trouble the reader with a journal of it. The captain call-
ed in at one or two ports, and sent in his longboat for pro-
visions and fresh water; but I never went out of the ship
200 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
till we came into the Downs, which was on the third day of
June, 1706, about nine months after my escape. I ofifered
to leave my goods in security for payment of my freight,
btit the captain protested he would not receive one farthing.
We took a kind leave of each other, and I made him promise
he would come to see me at my house in Redriff. I hired
a horse and guide for five shillings, which I borrowed of the
captain.*
As I was on the road, observing the littleness of the
houses, the trees, the cattle, and the people, I began to think
myself in Lilliput. I was afraid of tramping on every
traveler I met, and often called aloud to have them stand
cut of the way, so that I had like to have gotten one or two
broken heads for my impertinence.
When I came to my own house, for which I was forced to
inquire, one of my servants opening the door, I bent down
to go in (like a goose under a gate), for fear of striking my
head. My wife ran out to embrace me, but I stooped lower
than her knees, thinking she could otherwise never be able
to reach my mouth. My daughter kneeled to ask my bless-
ing, but I could not see her till she arose, having been so
long used to stand with my head and eyes erect to above
sixty feet and then I went to take her up with one hand by
the waist. I looked down upon the servants, and one or
two friends who were in the house, as if they had been pig-
mies, and I a giant. I told my wife, "she had been too
thrifty, for I found she had starved herself and her daughter
to nothing."
* This exquisitely simple incident will probably remind the reader
Of Campbell's description of Commodore Byron:
In horrid climes, where Chiloe's tempests sweep
Tumultuous murmurs o'er the troubled deep,
'Twas his to mourn Misfortune's rudest shock:
Scourged by the winds and cradled on the rock,
To wake each joyous morn and search again
The famished haunts of solitary men.
Whose race unyieldmg as their native storm,
Know not a trace of nature but the form;
Yet at thy call the hardy tar pursued.
Pale, but intrepid, sad, but unsubdued.
Pierced the deep woods, and hailing from afar
The moon's pale planet and the northern star,
Paused 9.t each dreary cry unheard before,
Hyenas in the wild, and mermaids on the shore;
Till led by Hope o'er many a cliff sublime,
He found a warmer world, a milder clime,
A home to rest, a shelter to defend,
Peace and repose, a Briton and a friend.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 201
In short, I behaved myself so unaccountably that they were
all of the captain's opinion when he first saw me, and con-
cluded I had lost my wits. This I mention as an instance
of the great power of habit and prejudice.
In a little time, I and my family and friends came to a
right understanding: but my wife protested I should never
go to sea any more; although my evil destiny so ordered,
that she had not power to hinder me, as the reader may
know hereafter. In the meantime, I here conclude the Sec-
ond Part of my unfortunate Voyages.
THE LAMENTATION OF GLUMDALCLITCH
FOR THE LOSS OF GRILDRIG.
A PASTORAL..
Soon as Glumdalclitch miss'd her pleasing care,
She wept, she blubber'd, and she tore her hair;
No British miss sincerer grief has known,
Her squirrel missing, or her sparrow flown.
She furi'd her sampler, and haul'd in her thread,
And stuck her needle into Grildrig's bed,
Then spread her hands, and with a bounce let fall
Her baby, like the giant in Guildhall.
In peals of thunder now she roars— and now
She gently whimpers like a lowing cow;
Yet lovely in her sorrow still appears;
Her locks dishevelled, and her floods of tears
Seem like the lofty barn of some rich swain,
When from the thatch drips fast a shower of rain.
In vain she searched each cranny of the house.
Each gaping chink impervious to a mouse.
"Was it for this," she cried, "with daily care.
Within thy reach I set the vinegar?
And fiil'd the cruet with the acid tide.
While pepper-water-worms thy bait supplied,
Where twined the silver eel around thy hook.
And all the little monsters of the brook;
Sure in that lake he dropp'd:— my Grilly's drown'd!"
She dragg'd the cruet, and no Grildrig's found.
"Vain is thy courage, Grilly, vain thy boast;
But little creatures enterprise the most.
Trembling I've seen thee dare the kitten's paw;
Nay, mix with children as they play'd at taw,
202 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Nor fear the marbles as they bounding flew;
Marbles to them, but rolling- rocks to you.
"Why did I trust thee with that giddy youth?
Who from a page can ever learn the truth?
Versed in court-tricks, that money-loving boy,
To some lord's daughter sold the living toy;
Or rent him limb from limb in cruel play,
As children tear the Vv^ings of flies away:
From place to place o'er Brobdingnag I'll roam,
And never will return; or bring thee home.
But who hath eyes to trace the passing wind?—
How, then, thy fairy footsteps can I find?
Dost thou, bewilder'd, wander all alone,
In the green thicket of a mossy stone?
Or tumbled from the toadstool's shppery round
Perhaps all maim'd, lie grav'ling on the ground?
Dost thou, embosom'd in the lovely rose,
Or sunk within the peach's down, repose?
Within the kingcup, if thy limbs are spread.
Or in the golden cowslip's velvet head.
Oh show me, Flora, 'midst those sweets, the flov/er
Where sleeps my Grildrig in the fragrant bower!
"But ah! I fear thy little fancy roves;
On little females, and on little loves;
Thy pigmy children, and thy tiny spouse;
The baby playthings that adorn thy house-
Doors, windows, chimneys, and the spacious rooms.
Equal in size to cells of honeycombs.
Hast thou for these now ventured from the shore,
Thy bark a bean-shell, and a straw thine oar?
Or in thy box, now bounding on the main-
Shall I ne'er bear thyself and house again?
And shall I set thee on my hand no more.
To see thee leap the lines, and traverse o'er
My spacious palm? Of stature scarce a span.
Mimic the actions of a real man?
No more behold thee turn my Vv^atch's key.
As seamen at a capstan anchors weigh!
"How wert thou wont to walk v/ith cautious tread,
A dish of tea, like milk-pale, on thy head?
How chase the mite that bore thy cheese away,
And keep the rolling maggot at a bay!"
She spoke, but broken accents stopp'd her voice.
Soft as the speaking-trumpet's mellow noise;
She sobb'd a storm, and wiped her flowing eyes.
Which seem'd like two broad suns in misty skies:
O squander not thy grief,— those tears command.
To weep upon our cod in Newfoundland;
The plenteous pickle shall preserve the fish.
And Europe taste like sorrows in her dish.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 203
A VOYAGE TO
LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI, LUGGNAGG, GLUB-
BDUBDRIB AND JAPAN.^
CHAPTER I.
THE AUTHOR SETS OUT ON HIS THIRD VOYAGE— IS TAKEN
BY PIRATES — THE MALICE OF A DUTCHMAN — HIS AR-
RIVAL AT AN ISLAND— HE IS RECEIVED IN LAPUTA.
I had not been at home above ten days, when Captain
Wilham Robinson, a Cornishman, commander of the Hope-
well, a stout ship of three hundred tons, came to my house.
I had formerly been surgeon of another ship, where he was
master and fourth part owner, in a voyage to the Lavant.
He had always treated me more like a brother than any in-
ferior officer; and hearing of my arrival, made me a visit,
as I apprehended only out of friendship, for nothing passed
more than what is usual after long absences. But repeating
his visits often, expressing his joy to find me in good health,
asking, ''whether I was not settled for life?" adding "that he
intended a voyage to the East Indies in about two months,"
at last he plainly invited me, though with many apologies,
to be surgeon of the ship ; "that I should have another sur-
geon under me, beside our two mates ; that my salary should
be doubled to the usual pay; and that having experienced
my knowledge in sea afTairs to be at least equal to his, he
would enter into any engagement to follow my advice, as
much as if I had shared in the command."
* Dean Swift seems to have borrowed several hints in his Voyage to
Laputa,from a novel written by the learned Dr. Francis Godwin, Bi^shop
of Llandaft, called "The man in the Moon, or a Discourse of a Voyage
thither, by Domingo Gonsales, 1638," 8vo. This philosophic romance,
which has been several times printed, shows that Bishop Godwin
had a creative genius. His "Nuncius Inanimatus," which contains
instructions to convey secret intelligence, is very scarce. He died in
April, 1633. This romance is published in the eighth volume of the
Harleian Miscellanies, and is a very ingenious fiction, but it does not
bear the slightest resemblance to the Voyage to Laputa.
204 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
He said so many other obliging things, and I knew him
to be so honest a man, that I could not reject his proposal;
the thirst I had of seeing the world, notwithstanding my
past misfortunes, continuing as violent as ever. The only
difficulty that remained, was to persuade my wife, whose
consent, however, I at last obtained, by the prospect of ad-
vantage she proposed to her children.
We set out on the 5th day of August, 1706, and arrived at
Fort St. George* the nth of April, 1707. We stayed there
three weeks to refresh our crew, many of whom were sick.
From thence we went to Tonquin, where the captain re-
solved to continue some time, because many of the goods he
intended to buy were not ready, nor could he expect to be
dispatched in several months. Therefore, in hopes to defray
some of the charges he must be at, he bought a sloop, load-
ed with several sorts of goods, wherewuth the Tonquinese
usually trade to the neighboring islands, and putting four-
teen men on board, whereof three were of the country, he
appointed me master of the sloop, and gave me power to
traffic, while he transacted his affairs at Tonquine.
We had not sailed above three days, when a great storm
arising, we v/ere driven five days to the north-north-east,
and then to the east: after which we had fair weather, but
still with a pretty strong gale from the west. Upon the
tenth day we were chased by two pirates, who soon over-
took us ; for my sloop was so deep laden, that she sailed very
slow, neither were we in a condition to defend ourselves.
We were boarded about the same time by both the pirates,
who entered furiously at the head of their men ; but finding
us all prostrate upon our faces (for so I gave order), they
pinioned us with strong ropes, and setting a guard upon us,
went to search the sloop.
I observed among them a Dutchman, who seemed to be
of some authority, though he was not commander of either
ship. He knew us by our countenances to be Englishmen,
and jabbering to us in our own language, swore we would
be tied back to back and thrown into the sea. I spoke Dutch
tolerably well ; I told him whom we were, and begged him,
in consideration of our being Christians and Protestants, of
neighboring countries in strict alliance, that he would move
the captains to take some pity on us. This inflamed his
•' Now Madras.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 205
rage; he repeated the threatenings, and turning to his com-
panions, spoke with great vehemence in the Japanese lan-
guage, as I suppose, often using the word Christianos.
The largest of the two pirate ships was commxanded by a
Japanese captain who spoke a little Dutch, but very im-
perfectl}^ He came up to me, and after several questions,
which I answered in great humility, said, ''we should not
die." I made the captain a very low bow, and then turning
to the Dutchman, said, 'T was sorry to find more mercy in a
Heathen than in a brother Christian." But I had soon rea-
son to repent the foolish words; for that malicious repro-
bate, having often endeavored in vain to persuade both the
captains that I might be thrown into the sea (which they
would not yield to, after the promise m.ade m.e that I should
not die), however, prevailed so far as to have a punishment
inflicted on me, worse, in all human appearance, than death
itself. My men were sent by an equal division into both the
pirate ships, and my sloop new manned. As to myself, it
was determined that I should be set adrift in a small canoe,
with paddles and a sail, and four days' provisions; which
last, the Japanese captain was so kind as to double out of
his own stores, and would permit no man to search me.
I got down into the canoe, while the Dutchman, standing
upon the deck, loaded me with all the curses and injurious
terms his language could afford.
About an hour before we saw the pirates, I had taken an
observation, and found we were in the latitude of 46 N.
and longitude of 183. When I was at some distance from
the pirates, I discovered by my pocket-glass, several is-
lands to the southeast. I set up my sail, the wand being fair,
with a design to reach the nearest of those islands, which
I made a shift to do, in about three hours. It was all
rocky: however, I got many birds' eggs; and striking fire,
I kindled some heath and dry seaweed, by which I roasted
my eggs. I ate no other supper, being resolved to spare
my provisions as much as I could. I passed the night
under the shelter of a rock, strewmg some heath under me,
and slept pretty well. The next day I sailed to another
island, and thence to a third and fourth, sometimes using
my sail, and sometimes my paddles. But not to trouble
the reader with a particular account of my distresses, let
206 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ic suffice, that on the fifth clay I arrived at the last island
in my sight, which lay south-southeast to the former.
This island was at a greater distance than I expected,
and I did not reach it in less than five hours. I encom-
passed it almost round, before I could find a convenient
place to land in; which was a small creek, about three
times the wideness of my canoe. I found the island to be
all rocky, only a little intermingled with tufts of grass, and
sweet-smelling herbs. I took out my small provisions,
and after having refreshed myself, I secured the remainder
in a cave, whereof there were great numbers; I gathered
plenty of eggs upon the rocks, and got a quantity of dry
seaweed and parched grass, which I designed to kindle
the next day, and roast my eggs as well as I could for I had
about me my flint, steel, match, and burning-glass. I lay
all night in the cave where I had lodged my provisions.
My bed was the same dry grass and seaweed which I in-
tended for fuel. I slept very little, for the disquiets of my
mind prevailed over my weariness, and kept me awake.
I considered how impossible it was to preserve my life in
so desolate a place, and how miserable my end must be:
yet found myself so listless and desponding, that I had not
the heart to rise; and before I could get spirits enough
to creep out of my cave, the day was far advanced. I
vv^alked awhile among the rocks; the sky was perfectly
clear, and the sun so hot, that I was forced to turn my
face from it; when all on a sudden it became obscure, as I
thought, in a manner very different from what happens by
the interposition of a cloud. I turned back, and perceived
a vast opaque body between me and the sun, moving for-
wards towards the island; it seemed to be about two miles
high, and hid the sun six or seven minutes; but I did not
observe the air to be colder, or the sky more darkened,
than if I had stood under the shade of a mountain. As it
approached nearer over the place where I was, it appeared
to be a firm substance, the bottom flat, smooth, and shin-
ing very bright, from the reflection of the sea below. I
stood upon a height about two hundred yards from the
shore, and saw this vast body descending almost to a paral-
lel with me, at less than an English mile distance. I took
out my pocket perspective, and could plainly discover
numbers of people moving up and down the sides of it,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 207
which appeared to be sloping; but what those people were
doing I was not able to distinguish.
The natural love of life gave me some inward motion of
joy, and I w^as ready to entertain a hope that this adventure
might, someway or other, help to deliver m.e from the deso-
late place and condition I was in. But at the same time,
the reader can hardly conceive my astonishment, to behold
an island in the air, inhabited by men, who were able (as
it should seem) to rise or sink, or put it into progressive
motion, as they pleased. But not being at that time in a
disposition to philosophize upon this phenomenon, I rather
chose what course the island would take, because it seemed
for awhile to stand still. Yet soon after, it advanced nearer,
and I could see the sides of it encompassed with several
gradations of galleries, and stairs at certain intervals to
descend from one to the other. . In the lowest gallery, I
beheld some people fishing with long angling-rods, and
others looking on. I waved my cap (for my hat was long
since worn out) and my handkerchief toward the island;
and upon its nearer approach, I called and shouted with
the utmost strength of voice: and then looking circum-
spectly, I beheld a crowd gathered to that side which was
most in my view. I found by their pointing toward me
and to each other, that they plainly discovered me, although
they made no return to my shouting. But I could see four
or five men running in great haste up the stairs, to the top
of the island, who then disappeared. I happened rightly
to conjecture, that these were sent for orders to some
person in authority, upon this occasion.
The number of people increased, and in less than half an
hour the island was moved, and raised in such a manner,
that the lowest gallery appeared in a parallel of less than
a hundred yards' distance from the height where I stood.
I then put myself in the most supplicating postures, and
spoke in the humblest accent, but received no answer.
Those who stood nearest over against me, seemed to be
persons of distinction, as I supposed by their habit. They
conferred earnestly with each other, looking often upon
me. At length, one of them called out in a clear, polite,
smooth dialect, not unlike in sound to the Italian: and
therefore I returned an answer in that language, hoping
at least that the cadence might be more agreeable to his
208 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ears. Although neither of us understood the other, yet
my meaning was easily known, for the people saw the dis-
tress I was in. '
They made signs for me to come down from the rock,
and go toward the shore, which I accordingly did; and the
flying island being raised to a convenient height, the verge
directly over me, a chain was let down from the lowest
gallery, with a seat fastened to the bottom, to which I
fixed myself, and was drawn up by pulleys.
CHAPTER II.
THE HUMORS AND DISPOSITIONS OF THE LAPTIANS DE-
SCRIBED — AN ACCOUNT OP THEIR LEARNING — OF THE
KING AND HIS COURT— THE AUTHOR'S RECEPTION THERE
—THE INHABITANTS SUBJECT TO FEAR AND DIS-
QUIETUDES—AN ACCOUNT OP THE Yv^OMEN.
At my alighting, I was surrounded with a crowd of peo-
ple, but those who stood nearest seemed to be of better
quality. They behold me with all the marks and circum-
stances of wonder, neither indeed was I much in their debt;
having never till then seen a race of mortals so singular in
their shapes, habits and countenances. Their heads were
all reclined, either to the right or the left; one of their eyes
turned inward, and the other directly up to the zenith.*
Their outward garments were adorned with figures of sun,
moons, and stars; interwoven with those of fiddles, flutes,
harps, trumpets, guitars, harpsichords, and many instru-
ments of music, unknown to us in Europe. I observed,
liere and there, many in the habit of servants, with a blown
bladder, fastened like a flail to the end of a stick, which
they carried in their hands. In each bladder was a small
quantity of dried peas, or little pebbles, as I was afterwards
informed. With these bladders they now and then flapped
the mouths and ears of those who stood near them, of
which practice I could not then conceive the meaning. It
seemed the minds of these people are so taken up with in-
tense speculations, that they neither can speak, nor attend
* By this description the author intended to ridicule those who
waste life in speculative sciences, the powers of whose minds are
as absurdly employed as the eyes of the Laputians.— Hawkesworth.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 209
to the discourses of others, without being roused by some
external actions upon the organs of speech and hearing:
for which reason, those persons who are able to afford it
always keep a flapper (the original is climenole), in their
family, as one of their domestics; nor ever w^alk abroad,
or make visits, without him. And the business of this offi-
cer is, when two, three, or 'more persons are in company
gently to strike with his bladder the mouth of him who
is to speak, and the right ear of him or them to whom the
speaker addresses himself. This flapper is likewise em-
ployed diligently to attend his master in his walks, and
upon occasion to give him a soft flap on his eyes; because
he is always so wrapped up in cogitation, that he is in
manifest danger of falling down every precipice, and
bouncing his head against every post: and in the streets,
of jostling others, or being jostled himself into the ken-
nel.
It was necessary to give the reader this information,
without which he would be at the same loss with me to
understand the proceedings of these people, as they con-
ducted me up the stairs to the top of the island, and from
thence to the royal palace. While we were ascending they
forgot several times what they were about, and left me to
myself, till their memories were again roused by their
flappers: for they appeared altogether unmoved by the
sight of my foreign habit and countenance, and by the
shouts of the vulgar, whose thoughts and minds were more
disengaged.
At last we entered the palace, and proceeded into the
chamber of presence, where I saw the king seated on his
throne, attended on each side by persons of prime quality.
Before the throne was a large table filled with globes and
spheres, and mathematical instruments of all kinds. His
majesty took not the least notice of us, although our en-
trance was not without sufficient noise, by the concourse
of all persons belonging to the court. But he was then
deep in a problem; and we attended at least an hour, be-
fore he could solve it. There stood by him, on each side,
a young page with flaps in their hands, and when they saw
he was at leisure, one of them gently struck his mouth, and
the other his right ear: at which he startled like one
awaked on the sudden, and looking towards me and the
14
210 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
company I was in, recollected the occasion of our coming,
whereof he had been informed before. He spoke some
words, whereupon immediately a young man with a flap
came up to my side, and flapped me gently on the right ear;
but I made signs, as well as I could, that I had no occasion
for such an instrument; which, as I afterwards found, gave
his majesty, and the whole court, a very mean opinion of
mv understanding. The king, as far as I could conjecture,
asked me several questions, and I addressed myself to him
in all the languages I had. When it was found I could
neither understand nor be understood, I was conducted by
his order to an apartment in his palace (this prince being
distinguished above all his predecessors for his hospitality
to strangers), where two servants were appointed to attend
me. My dinner was brought, and four persons of quality,
whom I remembered to have seen very near the king's
person, did me the honor to dine with me. We had two
courses of three dishes each. In the first course, there was a
shoulder of mutton cut into an equilateral triangle, a piece
of beef into a rhomboides, and a pudding into a cycloid.
The second course was two ducks trussed up in the forms
of fiddles; sausages and puddings resembling flutes and
hautbovs, and a breast of veal in the shape of a harp. The
servants cut our bread into cones, cylinders, parallelo-
grams, and several other mathematical figures.
While we were at dinner, I made bold to ask the names
of several things in their language, and those noble persons
by the assistance of their flappers, delighted ^ to give me
answers, hoping to raise my admiration of their great abil-
ities, if I could be brought to converse with them. I was
soon able to call for bread and drink, or whatever else I
wanted.
After dinner, my company withdrew, and a person was
sent to me by the king's order, attended by a flapper. He
brought with him, pen, ink, and paper, and three or four
books, giving me to understand by signs that' he was sent
to teach me the language. We sat together four hours,
in which time I wrote down a great number of words in
columns, with the translations over against them: I like-
wise made a shift to learn several short sentences, for my
tutor would order one of my servants to fetch something,
to turn about, to make a bow, to sit, or to stand, to walk,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 211
and the like. Then I took down the sentence in writing.
He showed me also, in one of his books, the figures of the
sun, moon, and stars, the zodiac, the tropics, and polar cir-
cles, together with the denominations of many planes and
solids. He gave me the names and descriptions of all the
musical instruments, and the general terms of art in play-
ing on each of them. After he had left me, I placed all my
w^ords, with their interpretations, in alphabetical order.
And thus, in a few days, by the help of a very faithful mem-
ory, I got some insight into their language.
The word, which I interpret the flying or floating island,
is in the original Laputa, whereof I could never learn the
true etymology Lap, in the old obsolete language, signifies
high; and untuh, a governor; from which they say, by cor-
ruption, was derived. Laputa from Lapuntah. But I do
not approve of this derivation, which seems to be a little
strained. I ventured to offer to the learned among them
a conjecture of my own, that Laputa was quasi lap oiUed;
lap, signifying properly, the dancing of the sunbeams in
the sea, and outed, a wing; which, however, I shall not
obtrude, but submit to the judicious reader.*
Those to whom the king had intrusted me, observed how
ill I was clad, ordered a tailor to come next morning, and
take measure for a suit of clothes. This operator did his
office after a different manner from those of his trade in
Europe. He first took my altitude by a quadrant, and then,
with rules and compasses, described the dimensions and
outlines of my whole body, all which he entered upon
paper; and in six days brought my clothes very ill made,
and quite out of shape, by happening to mistake a figure
in the calculation. But my comfort was, that I observed
such accidents very frequent, and little regarded.f
During my confinement for want of clothes, and by an
indisposition that held me some days longer, I much en-
larged my dictionary; and when I next went to court, was
able to understand many things the king spoke, and to re-
turn him some kind of answers. His majesty had given or-
* This amusing- burlesque on philolog-y was probably directed against
Dr. Bently, and is scarcely an exaggeration of some of his derivations.
t It is generally supposed that Swift alludes here to an error
made by Sir Isaac Newton's printer, who by adding a cipher to the
distance of the earth from the sun caused not a little ridicule to
be thrown on the philosopher's astronomical calculations^
212 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ders, that the island should move northeast-and-by-east to
the vertical point over Lagado, the metropolis of the whole
kingdom below, upon the firm earth. It was about ninety
leagues distant, and our voyage lasted four days and a half.
I was not in the least sensible of the progressive motion
made in the air by the island. On the second morning,
about eleven o'clock, the king himself in person, attended
by his nobility, courtiers, and officers, having prepared all
their musical instruments, played on them for three hours
without intermission, so that I was quite stunned with the
noise; neither could I possibly guess the meaning, till my
tutor informed me. He said, "that the people of their is-
land had their ears adapted to hear the music of the
spheres, which always played at certain periods, and the
court was now prepared to bear their part, in whatever in-
strument they most excelled.''^
In our journey towards Lagado, the capital city, his maj-
esty ordered that the island should stop over certain towns
and villages, from whence he might receive the petitions of
his subjects. And to this purpose several packthreads were
let down, with small weights at the bottom. On these
packthreads the people strung their petitions, which
mounted up directly, like the scraps of paper fastened by
schoolboys at the end of the string that holds their kite.
Sometimes we received wine and victuals from below which
were drawn up by pulley.
The knowledge I had in mathematics gave me great as-
sistance in acquiring their phraseology, which depended
much upon that science, and music; and in the latter I
was not unskilled. Their ideas are perpetually conversant
in lines and figures. If they would, for example, praise
the beauty of a woman, or any other animal, they describe
it by rhombs, circles, parallelograms, ellipses, and other
geometrical terms, or by words of art drawn from music,
needless here to repeat. I observed in the king's kitchen
all sorts of mathematical and musical Instruments after the
figures of which they cut up the joints that were served to
his majesty's table.
t Swift's want of taste for music is mentioned by most of his
biographers. He wrote a cantata to ridicule the fashionable style of
his own day, which seems to prove, not that he disliked music of
itself, but that he was averse to the affectation and jargon of scientific
professors.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 213
Their houses are very ill-built, the walls bevel, without
one right angle in any apartment; and this defect arises
from the contempt they bear to practical geometry, which
they despise as vulgar and mechanic: those instructions
they give being too refined for the intellects of their work-
men, which occasions perpetual mistakes. And although
they are dexterous enough upon a piece of paper, in the
njanagement of the rule, the pencil, and the divider, yet in
the common actions and behavior of life, I have not seen
a more clumsy, awkward, and unhandy people, nor so slow
and perplexed in their conceptions upon all other subjects,
except those of mathematics and music. They are very bad
reasoners, and vehemently given to opposition, unless
when they happen to be of the right opinion, which is
seldom their case. Imagination, fancy, and invention, they
are wholly strangers to, nor have any words in their lan-
guage by which those ideas can be expressed; the whole
compass of their thoughts and mind being shut up within
the two forementioned sciences.
Most of them, and especially those who deal in the astro-
nomical part, have great faith in judicial astrology, al-
though they are ashamed to own it publicly. But what I
chiefly admired, and thought altogether unaccountable,
was the strong disposition I observed in them towards
news and politics, perpetually inquiring into public affairs,
giving their judgments in matters of state, and passionate-
ly disputing every inch of a party opinion. I have indeed
observed the same disposition among most of the mathe-
maticians I have known in Europe, although I could never
discover the least analogy between the two sciences; un-
less those people suppose, that because the smallest circle
has as many degrees as the largest, therefore the regulation
and management of the world would require no more abil-
ities than the handling and turning of a globe: but I rather
take this quality to spring from a very common infirmity
of human nature, inclining us to be most curious and con-
ceited in matters where we have least concern, and for
which we are at least adapted by study or nature.
These people are under continual disquietudes, never
enjoying a minute's peace of mind: and their disturbances
proceed from causes which very little affect the rest of mor-
tals. Their apprehensions arise from several changes they
214 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
dread in the celestial bodies: for instance, that the earth,
by the continual approaches of the sun towards it, must,
in course of time, be absorbed, or swallowed up; that the
face of the sun will, by degrees, be incrusted with its own
effluvia, and give no more light to the world; that the
earth very narrowly escaped a brush from the tail of the
last comet, which would have infallibly reduced it to ashes:
and that the next, which they have calculated for one-and-
thirty years hence, will probably destroy us. For if, in its
perihelion, it should approach within a certain degree of
the sun (as by their calculations they have reason to dread),
it will receive a degree of heat ten thousand times more
intense than that of red-hot glowing iron; and, in its ab-
sence from the sun, carrying a blazing tail ten hundred
thousand and fourteen miles long, through which, if the
earth should pass at the distance of one hundred thousand
miles from the nucleus, or main body of the comet, it
must in its passage be set on fire, and reduced to ashes;
that the sun, daily spending its rays without any nutriment
to supply them, will at last be wholly consumed and an-
nihilated; which must be attended with the destruction of
this earth, and all of the planets that receive their light
from it."^
They are so perpetually alarmed with the apprehensions
of these, and the like impending dangers, that they can
neither sleep quietly in their beds, nor have any relish for
the common pleasures and amusements of life. When they
* Many such theories have been proposed by persons eminent m
their day for mathematical knowledge. The supposition that all the
bodies in the universe are approaching- a common center, where they
will meet and crush each other to chaos, is magnificently set forth
in the following lines from Darwin's *'Botanic Garden:"
Roll on, ye stars, exult in youthful prime;
Mark with bright curves the printless steps of time;
Near and more near your beamy cars approach,
And lessening orbs on lessening orbs encroach.
Flowers of the sky! ye too to age shall yield.
Frail as your silken sisters of the field;
Star after star from Heaven's high arch shall rush,
Suns sink on suns and systems systems crush,
Headlong, extinct to one dark center fall,
And death and night and chaos mingle all,
Till overhead, emerging from the storm,
Primeval nature lifts her changeful form,
Mounts from her funeral pyre on wings of flame,
And soars and shines, another and the same.
The fallacy of the theory has, however, been demonstrated, and
the phenomena by which it seemed to be supported have been satis-
factorily explained.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 215
meet an acquaintance in the morning, the first question is
about the sun's health; how he looked at his setting and
rising, and what hopes they have to avoid the stroke of the
approaching comet* This conversation they are apt to run
into with the same temper that boys discover in delighting
to hear terrible stories of spirits and hobgoblins, which
they greedily listen to, and dare not go to bed for fear.
The women of the island have abundance of vivacity;
they contemn their husbands, and are exceedingly fond of
strangers: whereof there is always a considerable number
from the continent below, attending at court, either upon af-
fairs of the several towns and corporations, or their own
particular occasions, but are much despised, because they
want the same endowments. Among these, the ladies
choose their gallants: but the vexation is, that they act
with too m.uch ease and security; for the husband is al-
ways so wrapped in speculation, that the mistress and lover
may proceed to the greatest familiarities before his face,
if he be but provided with paper and implement and with-
out his flapper at his side.
The wives and daughters lament their confinement to the
island, although I think it the most delicious spot of ground
in the world: and although they live here in the greatest
plenty and magnificence, and are allowed to do whatever
they please, they long to see the world, and take the diver-
sions of the metropolis; w^hich they are not allowed to do
without a particular license from the king; and this is not
easy to be obtained, because the people of quality have
found, by frequent experience, how hard it is to persuade
their women to return from below. I was told, that a
great court lady, who had several children, — is married to
a prime minister, the richest subject in the kingdom, a very
graceful person, extremely fond of her, and lives in the
finest palace in the island, — went down to Lagado, on the
pretense of health, there hid herself for several months, till
the king sent a warrant to search for her; and she was
found in an obscure eating house all in rags, having pawned
her clothes to maintain an old deformed footman, who beat
her every day, and in whose company she was taken, much
* The dread of comets continued even amongst the learned to a
very late period. It is now generally known that the density of these
bodies is very small, and consequently, that a stroke from orie of
them would probably not produce much mischief,
216 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
against her will. And although her husband received her
with all possible kindness, and without the least reproach,
she soon after contrived to steal down again with all h^er
jewels, to the same gallant, and has not been heard of
since.
This may perhaps pass with the reader rather for an Eu-
ropean or English story, than for one of a country so re-
mote. But he may please to consider, that the caprices of
womankind are not limited by any climate or nation, and
that they are much more uniform than can be easily im-
agined.
In about a month's time, I had made a tolerable profi-
ciency in their language, and was able to answer most of
the king's questions, when I had the honor to attend him.
His majesty discovered not the least curiosity to inquire
into the laws, government, history, religion, or manners of
the countries where I had been; but confined his questions
to the state of mathematics, and received the account I gave
him with great contempt and indifference, though often
roused by his flapper on each side.
CHAPTER HI.
A PHENOMENON SOLVED BY MODERN PHILOSOPHY AND AS-
TRONOMY—THE LAPUTIANS' GREAT IMPROVEMENTS IN
THE LATTER— THE KING'S METHOD OF SUPPRESSING IN-
SURRECTIONS.
Jealousy of foreigners is so common everywhere, that be-
fore making any researches, I requested leave of the prince
to see the curiosities of the island, which he was graciously
pleased to grant, and ordered my tutor to attend me. I
chiefly wanted to know, to what cause in art or nature it
owed its several motions, whereof I will now give a philo-
sophical account to the reader.
The flying or floating island is exactly circular, its diame-
ter 7837 yards, or about four miles and a half, and conse-
quently contains ten thousand acres. It is three hundred
yards thick. The bottom or under surface, which appears
to those who view it from below, is one even, regular plate
of adamant, shooting up to the height of about two hundred
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 217
yards. Above it lie the several minerals in their usual or-
der, and over all is a coat of rich mould, ten or twelve feet
deep. The declivity of the upper surface, from the circum-
ference to the center, is the natural cause why all the dews
and rains which fall upon the island are conveyed in small
rivulets towards the middle, where they are emptied into
four large basins, each of about half a mile in circuit, and
two hundred yards distant from the center. From these
basins the water is continually exhaled by the sun in the
daytime, which effectually prevents their overflowing. Be-
sides, as it is in the power of the monarch to raise the is-
land above the region of clouds and vapors, he can prevent
the falHng of dews and rain whenever he pleases. For the
highest clouds cannot rise above two miles, as naturalists
agree ; at least they are never known to do so in that coun-
try.
At the center of the island there is a chasm about fifty
yards in diameter, whence the astronomers descend into a
large dome, which is therefore called fia^idona gagnole, or
the astronomer's cave, situated at the depth of a hundred
yards beneath the surface of the adamant. In this cave
are twenty lamps, continually burning, which, from the re-
flection of the adamant, cast a strong light into every part.
The place is stored with a great variety of sextants, quad-
rants, telescopes, astrolabes, and other astronomical in-
struments. But the greatest curiosity, upon which the fate
of the island depends, is a loadstone of prodigious size, in
shape resembling a weaver's shuttle. It is in length six
yards, and the t|;iickest part at least three yards over. This
magnet is sustained by a very strong axle of adamant pass-
ing through its middle, upon which it plays, and is poised
so exactly that the weakest hand can turn it. It is hooped
round with a hollow cylinder of adamant, four feet deep,
as many thick, and twelve yards in diameter, placed hori-
zontally, and supported by eight adamantine feet, each six
yards high. In the middle of the concave side there is a
groove twelve inches deep, in which the extremities of the
axle are lodged, and turned round as there is occasion.
The stone cannot be moved from its place by any force,
because the hoop and its feet are one continued piece with
that body of adamant which constitutes the bottom of tue
island.
218 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
By means of this loadstone, the island is made to rise and
fall, and move from one place to another. For, with re-
spect to that part of the earth over which the monarch pre-
sides, the stone is endued at one of its sides with an attrac-
tive power, and the other with a repulsive. Upon placing
the magnet erect, with its attracting end toward the earth,
the island descends; but when the repelling extremity
points downv/ard, the island mounts directly upwards.
When the position of the stone is oblique, the motion of
the island is so too: for, in this magnet, the forces always
act in lines parallel to its direction.
By this oblique motion the island is conveyed to different
parts of the monarch's dominions. To explain the manner
of its progress, let A B represent a line drawn across the
dominions of Balnibarbi, let the line C D represent the load-
stone, of which let D be the repelling end and C the attract-
ing end, the island being over C: let the stone be placed in
position C D, with its repelling end downward; then the is-
land will be driven upwards obliquely toward D. When it is
arrived at D, let the stone be turned upon its axle, till its at-
tracting end points toward E^ and then the island will be
carried obliquely toward E, where, if the stone be again
turned upon its axle till it stands in the position E F, with
'its repelling point downward, the island will rise obliquely
towards F, where, by directing the attracting end toward
G, the island may be carried to G, and from G to H, by
turning the stone so as to make its repelling extremity point
directly downward. And thus, by changing the situation
of the stone, as often as there is occasion, the island is
made to rise and fall by turns in an oblique direction, and
by those alternate risings and fallings (the obliquity being
not considerable) is conveyed from one part of the domin-
ions to the other.
But it must be observed, that this island cannot move
beyond the extent of the dominions below, nor can it rise
above the height of four miles. For which the astronomers
(who have written large systems concerning the stone) as-
sign the following reason: that the magnetic virtue does
not extend beyond the distance of four miles, and that the
mineral, which acts upon the stone in the bowels of the
earth, and in the sea about six leagues distant from the
shore, is not diffused through the whole globe, but ter-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 219
minated with the Umits of the king's dominions; and it was
easy, from the great advantage of such a superior situation,
for a prince to bring under his obedience whatever country
lay within the attraction of that magnet.
When the stone is put parallel to the plane of the horizon,
the island stands still; for in that case the extremities of it
being at equal distance from the earth, act with equal force,
the one in drawing downwards, the other in pushing up-
wards, and consequently no motion can ensue.
This loadstone is under the care of certain astronomers,
who from time to time, give it such positions as the monarch
directs. They spend the greatest part of their lives in ob-
serving the celestial bodies, which they do by the assistance
of glasses, far excelling ours in goodness. For, although
their largest telescopes do not exceed three feet, they mag-
nify much more than those of a hundred with us, and show
the stars with greater clearness. This advantage has enabled
them to extend their discoveries much farther than our as-
tronomers in Europe; for they have made a catalogue of
ten thousand fixed stars, whereas the largest of ours do not
contain above one-third part of that number. They have
likewise discovered two lesser starS;, or satellites, which re-
volve about Mars; whereof the innermost is distant from
the center of the primary planet exactly three of his diame-
ters, and the outermost, five; the former revolves in the
space of ten hours, and the latter in twenty-one and a half;
so that the squares of their periodical times are very near
in the same proportion with the cubes of their distance,
from the center of Mars; which evidently shows them to
be governed by the same law of gravitation that influences
the other heavenly bodies.
They have observed ninety-three different comets, and
settled their periods with great exactness. If this be true
(and they afilirm it with great confidence), it is much to be
wished that their observations were made public, whereby
the theory of comets, which at present is very lame and de-
fective, might be brought to the same perfection with other
parts of astronomy.
The king would be the most absolute prince in the uni-
verse, if he could but prevail on a ministry to join with him;
but these, having their estates below on the continent, and
considering that the office of a favorite has a very uncertain
220 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
tenure, would never consent to the enslaving of their coun
try.
' If any town should engage in rebellion or mutiny, fall
into violent factions, or refuse to pay the usual tribute, the
king has two methods of reducing them to obedience. The
first and the mildest course is, by keeping the island hover-
ing over such a town, and the lands about, whereby he can
deprive them of the benefit of the sun and the rain, and
consequently afflict the inhabitants vv^itli dearth and diseases:
and if the crime deserve it, they are at the same time pelted
from above with great stones, against which they have no
defense but by creeping into cellars or caves, while the roofs
of their houses are beaten to pieces. But if they still con-
tinue obstinate, or offer to raise insurrections, he proceeds
to the last remedy, by letting the island drop direct upon
their heads, which makes an universal destruction both of
houses and men. However, this is an extremity to which
the prince is seldom driven, neither indeed is he willing to
put it in execution ; nor dare his ministers advise him to an
action, which, as it would render them odious to the people,
so it would be a great damage to their own estates, which
lie all below; for the island is the king's demesne.
But there is still indeed a m.ore weighty reason, why the
kings of this country have been always averse from execut-
ing so terrible an action, unless upon the utmost necessity.
For, if the town intended to be destroyed should have in it
any tall rocks, as it generally falls out in the larger cities,
a situation probably chosen at first with a view to prevent
such a catastrophe; or if it abound in high spires, or pillars
of stone, a sudden fall miight endanger the bottom or under
surface of the island, which, although it consists, as I have
said, of one entire adamant, two hundred yards thick might
happen to crack by too great a shock, or burst by approach-
ing too near the fires from the houses below, as the backs,
both of iron and stone, v/ill often do in our chimneys. Of
all this the people are well apprised, and understand how
far to carry their obstinacy, where their liberty or property
is concerned. And the king, when he is highest provoked,
and most determined to press a city to rubbish, orders the
island to descend with great gentleness, out of a pretense of
tenderness to his people, but, indeed, for fear of breaking
the adamantine bottom; in which case, it is the opinion of
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 221
all their philosophers, that the loadstone could no longer
hold it up, and the whole mass would fall to the ground.
By a fundamental law of this realm, neither the king, nor
either of his two elder sons, are permitted to leave the is-
land; nor the queen, till she is past childbearing.
CHAPTER IV.
THE AUTHOR LEAVES LAPUTA— IS CONVEYED TO BALNI-
BARBI— ARRIVES AT THE METROPOLIS — A DESCRIPTION
OF THE METROPOLIS, AND THE COUNTRY ADJOINING—
THE AUTHOR HOSPITABLY RECEIVED BY A GREAT LORD
—HIS CONVERSATION WITH THAT LORD.
Quite unwilling to declare that I was ill-treated in this
island, yet I must confess I thought myself too much neg-
lected, not without some degree of contempt; for neither
prince nor people appeared to be curious in any part of
knowledge, except mathematics and music, wherein I was
far their inferior, and upon that account very little regarded.
On the other side, after having seen all the curiosities of the
island, I was very desirous to leave it, being heartily weary
of those people. They were indeed excellent in two sciences
for which I have great esteem^ and wherein I am not un-
versed; but at the same time, so abstracted and involved
in speculation, that I never met with such disagreeable com-
panions. I conversed only with women, tradesmen, flap-
pers, and court-pages, during two months of my abode
there, by which, at last, I rendered myself extremely con-
temptible; yet these were the only people from whom I
could ever receive a reasonable ansv^er.
I had obtained, by hard study, a good degree of knowl-
edge in their language; I was weary of being confined to
an island, where I received ,so little countenance, and re-
solved to leave it with the first opportunity. There was a
great lord at court, nearly related to the king, and for that
reason alone, used with respect. He was universally reck-
oned the most ignorant and stupid person among them. He
had performed many eminent services for the crown, had
great natural and acquired parts, adorned with integrity and
honor; but so ill an ear for music, that his detractors re-
222 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ported, "he had been often known to beat time m the wrong
place;" neither could his tutors, without extreme difficulty,
teach him to demonstrate the most easy proposition in
mathematics. He was pleased to show me many marks of
favor, often did me the honor of a visit, desired to be in-
formed in the affairs of Europe, the laws and customs, the
manners and learning of the several countries where I had
traveled. He listened to me with great attention, and made
very wise observations on all I spoke. He had two flappers
attending him for state, but never made use of them, except
at court and in visits of ceremony; and would always com-
mand them to withdraw, when we were alone together.
I entreated this illustrious person to intercede in my
behalf with his majesty, for leave to depart; which he ac-
cordingly did, as he was pleased to tell me with regret; for
indeed he had made me several offers, very advantageous,
which, however, I refused, with expressions of the highest
acknowledgment.
On the 1 6th of February I took leave of his majesty and
the court. The king made me a present to the value of
about two hundred pounds English, and my protector, his
kinsman, as much more, together with a letter of recom-
mendation to a friend of his in Lagado, the metropolis; the
island being then hovering over a mountain about two miles
from it, I was let down from the lowest gallery, in the same
manner as I had been taken up.
The continent, as far as it is subject to the monarch of
the flying island, passes under the general name of Balni-
barbi ; and the metropolis, as I said before is Lagado. I felt
some little satisfaction in finding myself on firm ground. I
walked to the city without any concern, being clad like one
of the natives, and sufficiently instructed to converse with
them. I soon found out the person's house to whom I was
recommended, presented my letter from his friend the gran-
dee in the island, and was received with much kindness.
This great lord, whose name was Munodi, ordered me an
apartment in his ow^i house, where I continued during my
stay, and was entertained in a most hospitable manner.
The next morning after my arrival, he took me in his
chariot to see the town, which is about half the bigness of
London; but the houses very strangely built, and the most
of them out of repair. The people in the streets walked
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 223
fast, looked wild, their eyes fixed, and were generally in
rags. We passed through one of the town gates, and went
about three miles into the country^ where I saw many la-
borers working with several sorts of tools on the ground,
but was not able to conjecture what they w^ere about; neith-
er did I observe any expectation either of corn or grass, al-
though the soil appeared to be excellent. I could not for-
bear admiring at these odd appearances, both in town and
country; and I made bold to desire my conductor, that he
would be pleased to explain to me, what could be meant by
so many busy heads, hands, and faces, both in the streets
and the fields, because I did not discover any good effects
they produced; but on the contrary, I never knew a soil so
unhappily cultivated, houses so ill-contrived and so ruinous,
or a people whose countenance and habits expressed so
much misery and want."^
This Lord Munodi was a person of the first rank, and had
been some years governor of Lagado; but, by a cabal of
ministers, was discharged for insufficiency. However, the
king treated him with tenderness, as a well-meaning man,
but of a low, contemptible understanding. f
* The description of the people of Lagado seems intended for the
people of London during- tne prevalence of the rage for speculation,
from 1718 to 1720. Lord Mahon gives the following lively picture ol
the mania. "The Prince of Wales became a governor of the Welch
Copper Company. Such an example was tempting to follow, the
Duke of Chandos and the Earl of Westmoreland appeared likewise
at the head of bubbles; and the people at large soon djscovered that
to speculate is easier than to work. Change Alley became a new
edition of the Rue Quincampoix. The crowds were so great within
doors, that tables with clerks were set in the streets. In this motley
throng were blended all ranks, all professions, and all parties:
churchmen and dissenters, Whigs and Tories, country gentlemen and
brokers. An eager strife of tongues prevailed in this second Babel;
new reports, new subscriptions, new transfers flew from month to
mouth; and the voice of ladies (for many ladies had turned gamblers)
rose loud and incessant above the general din. * * * Sucn ex-
travagances might well provoke laughter; but unhappily, though Ihe
farce came first, there was a tragedy behind. * * * Thousands of
families were reduced to beggary, thousands more were threatened
with the same fate; and the large fortunes made, or supposed to be
made, by a few individuals served only by comparison to aggravate
the common ruin. Those who had sported most proudly on the surface
of the water were left stranded and bare by the ebbing of that
mighty tide."— Lord Mahon's History of England, vol. ii., 16-19.
t The character of Lord Munodi appears to have been intended for
Lord Bolingbroke; on his return to England, after the partial reversal
of the act of attainder, he retired into the counliy, where he at-
tempted to persuade himself and others, that, smitten with the
charms of solitude and rural life, he had resolved to abandon politics
forever, and devote himself entirely to the improvement of his estate
at Dawley. Though Swift flattered these professions, he was not
duped by them. Bolingbroke soon took an active share in organizing
224 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
When I gave that free censure of the country and its
inhabitants, he made no further answer than by telHng me
''that I had not been long enough among them to form a
judgment; and that the different nations of the world had
different customs; with other common topics to the same
purpose. But when we returned to his palace, he asked me,
"how I liked the building, what absurdities I observed, and
what quarrel I had with the dress or looks of his domes-
tics?" This he might safely do; because everything about
him was magnificent, regular and polite. I answered, ''that
his Excellency's prudence, quality and fortune, had exempt-
ed him from those defects, which folly and beggary had pro-
duced in others." He said, "if I could go with him to his
country house, about twenty miles distant, where his estate
lay, there would be more leisure for this kind of conversa-
tion." I told his Excellency, "that I was entirely at his dis-
posal;" and accordingly we set out next morning.
During our journey he made me observe the several
methods used by farmers in managing their lands, which to
me were wholly unaccountable; for, except in some very
few places, I could not discover one ear of com, or blade of
grass. But, in three hours' traveling, the scene was wholly
altered; we came into a most beautiful country; farmers'
houses at small distances, neatly built; the fields enclosed,
containing vineyards, corn-grounds and meadows. Neither
do I remember to have seen a more delightful prospect. His
Excellency observed my countenance to clear up; he told
me with a sigh, "that there his estates began, and would
continue the same, till we should come to his house; that
his countrymen ridiculed and despised him, for managing
his affairs no better, and for setting so ill an example to the
kingdom; which, however, was followed by very few, such
as were old, and willful and weak, like him.self.
We came at length to the house, which was, indeed, a
noble structure, built according to the best rules of archi-
tecture. The fountains, gardens, walks, avenues, and groves,
were all disposed with exact judgment and taste. I gave
a formidable opposition against Sir Robert Walpole, and shook tiie
minister in his seat. But during- the debate on the repeal of the
Septennial Act, Walpole took an opportunity of developing the intr gues
of Bolingbroke, both at home and abroad, which so confounded the
disappointed statesman that he quitted the country, and retired to
France.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 225
due praise to everything I saw, wliereof his Excellency took
not the least notice till after supper; when, there being no
third companion, he told me with a melancholy air, "that
he doubted he must throw down his houses in town and
country, to rebuild them after the present mode; destroy
all his plantations, and cast others into such a form as mod-
ern usage required, and give the same directions to his ten-
ants, unless he would submit to incur the censure of pride,
singularity, affectation, ignorance, caprice, and perhaps in-
crease his majesty's displeasure; that the admiration I ap-
peared to be under would cease or diminish when he had in-
formed me of some particulars which probably I never
heard at a court ; the people there being too much taken up
in their own speculations, to have regard to what passed
here below."
The sum of his discourse was to this effect: ''that about
forty years ago, certain persons went up to Laputa, either
upon business or diversion, and, after five months' continu-
ance, came back with a very little smattering in mathe-
matics, but full of volatile spirits acquired in that airy re-
gion: that these persons, upon their return, began to dislike
the management of everything below, and fell into schemes
of putting all arts, sciences, languages, and mechanics upon
a new foot. To this end, they procured a royal patent for
erecting an academy of projectors in Lagado; and the hu-
mor prevailed so strongly among the people, that there is
not a town of any consequence in the kingdom without such
an academy. In these colleges the professors contrive new
rules and methods of agriculture and building, and new in-
struments and tools for all trades and manufacturers ; where-
by, as they undertake one man shall do the work of ten,
a palace may be built in a week, of materials so durable as
to last forever without repairing. All the fruits of the earth
shall come to maturity at whatever season we think fit to
choose, and increase a hundred-fold more than they do at
present; with innumerable other happy proposals. The only
inconvenience is, that none of these projects are yet brought
to perfection; and in the meantime, the whole country lies
miserably waste, the houses in ruins, and the people without
food or clothes. By all which, instead of being discouraged,
they are fifty times more violently bent upon prosecuting
their schemes, driven equally on by hope and despair; that
15
226 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
as for himself, being not of an enterprising spirit, he was
content to go on in the old forms, to live in the houses his
ancestors had built, and act as they did, in every part of life,
without innovation; that some few other persons of quality
and gentry had done the same, but were looked on with an
eye of contempt and ill will, as enemies to art, ignorant,
and ill commonwealth's men, preferring their own ease and
sloth before general improvement of their country."
His Lordship added "that he would not by any farther
particulars, prevent the pleasure I should certainly take in
viewing the grand academy, whither he resolved I should
go. He only desired me to observe a ruined building, upon
the side of a mountain about three miles distant, of which he
gave me this account: 'that he had a very convenient mill
within half a mile of his house, turned by a current from a
large river, and sufficient for his own family as well as a
great number of his tenants; that about seven years ago a
club of these projectors came to him with proposals to de-
stroy this mill, and build another on the side of that moun-
tain, on the long ridge whereof a long canal must be cut,
for a repository of water, to be conveyed up by pipes and
engines to supply the mill because the wind and air upon a
height agitated the water, and thereby made it fitter for mo-
tion; and because the water, descending down a declivity,
would turn the mill with half the current of a river, whose
course is more upon a level.' He said, 'that being then not
very well with the court, and pressed by many of his friends,
he complied with their proposal; and after employing a
hundred men for two years, the work miscarried, the pro-
jectors went off, laying the blame entirely upon him, railing
at him ever since, and putting others upon the same experi-
ment, with equal assurance of success, as w^ell as equal dis-
appointment.' "
In a few days we came back to town ; and his Excellency,
considering the bad character he had in the academy, would
not go with me himself, but recommended me to a friend of
his, to bear me company thither. My lord was pleased to
represent me as a great admirer of projects, and a person of
much curiosity and easy belief; which, indeed v\7as not with-
out truth; for I had myself been a sort of projector in my
younger days.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 227
CHAPTER V.
THE AUTHOR PERMITTED TO SEE THE GRAND ACADEMY OF
LAGADO— THE ACADEMY LARGELY DESCRIBED — THE
ARTS WHEREIN THE PROFESSORS EMPLOY THEM-
SELVTES.*
Conceiving that my readers will be anxious to know the
particulars of the Laputian university, I shall now proceed
to describe it. This academy is not an entire single build-
ing, but a continuation of several houses on both sides of a
street which growing waste, was purchased and applied to
that use.
* Sir Walter Scott justly observes that Swift has borrowed the
notion of the Academy of Lagado from Rabelais' s description of the
court of Queen Whim. Swift, in his account of the employments of the
academicians at Lagado, has improved the humor of Rabelais's de-
scription of the occupations of the queen's courtiers, but h© has not
diminished the coarseness. A brief specimen will be sufficient.
"I saw a great number of the queen's officers, who made black-
amoors w^hite as fast as hops, just rubbing their bellies with the bot-
tom or a pannier.
"Others with three couple of foxes in one yoke, ploughed a sand."
shore, and did not lose their seed. * * *
"Others sheared asses, and thus got long fleece wool. * * *
"Poor Panurge fairly cast up his accounts and vomited, seeing an
Archasdarpenin, who laid a huge plenty of chamber lye to putrefy
in horse-dung mish-mashed with abundance of Christian sir-reverence.
Pugh, fie upon him! nasty dog! However, he told us, that with this
sacred distillation he watered kings and princes, and made their
sweet lives a fathom or two in length. * * *
"We saw a knot of others, about a baker's dozen in number,
tippling under an arbor. They toped out of jolly bottomless cups,
four sorts of cool, sparkling, delicious vine-tree syrup, which went
down like mother's milk; and healths and bumpers Hew about like
lightning. We were told that these true philosophers were fairly
multiplying the stars by drjnking, till the seven v/ere fourteen, as
brawny Hercules did with Atlas.
"Others in the large grass-plot exactly measured how far the fleas
could go at a hop, a step, and a jump; and told us that this was ex-
ceedingly useful for the ruling of kingdoms, the conduct of armies,
and the administrations of commonwealths. And that Socrates, who
first got philosophy out of heaven, and from idling and trifling made
it profltable and of moment, used to spend half his philosophizing
time in measuring the leaps of fleas, as Aristophanes the Quintes-
sential affirms. * * *
"In a blind corner I met four more very hot at it, and ready to go
to loggerheads. I asked what was the cause of this stir and ado, the
mighty coil and pother they made. And I heard that for five livelong
days these overwise roysterers had been at it ding-dong, disputing on
three high, more than metaphysical propositions promising themselves
mountains of gold by solving them. The first was concerning a he-
ass's shadow; the second the smoke of a lantern; and the third of
goat's hair, whether it were wool or no? We heard that they did not
think it a bit strange that two contraaictions in mode, form, figure,
and tirjMe, should be true, 'xxiough I'll warrant the sophists of Paris
had rather be unchristened than own so much."— Rabelais, book 5,
chap. xxii.
228 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
I was received very kindly by the warden, and went for
many days to the academy. Every room has in it one or
more projectors ; and I believe I could not be in fewer than
five hundred rooms.
The first man I saw was of a meager aspect, with sooty
hands and face, his hair and beard long, ragged, and singed
in several places. His clothes, shirt, and skin, were all of
the same color. He had been eight years upon a project for
extracting sunbeams out of cucumbers, which were to be put
in phials hermetically sealed, and let out to warm the air in
raw inclement summers. He told me, he did not doubt, that
in eight years more, he should be able to supply the gover-
nor's garden with sunshine, at a reasonable rate; but he
complained that his stock was low, and entreated me to give
his something as an encouragement to ingenuity, especially
since this had been a very dear season for cucumbers. I
m-ade him a small present, for my lord had furnished me
with money on purpose, because he knew their practice of
begging from all who go to see them.
I went into another charnber, but was ready to hasten
back, being almost overcome with a horrible stink. My con-
ductor pressed me forward, conjuring me in a whisper "to
give no offense, which would be highly resented;" and
therefore I durst not so much as stop my nose. The pro-
jecter of this cell was the most ancient student of the acad-
emy; his face and beard were of a pale yellow; his hands
and clothes daubed over with filth. When I was presented
to him, he gave me a close embrace ; a compliment I could
well have excused. His employment, from his first coming
into the academy, was an operation to reduce human ex-
crement to its original food, by separating the several parts,
removing the tincture which it receives from the gall, mak-
ing the odor exhale, scumming ofi the saliva. He had a
weekly allowance from the society, of a vessel filled with
human ordure, about the bigness of a Bristol barrel.
I saw another at work to calcine ice into gunpowder,
who likewise showed me a treatise he had written concern-
ing the malleability of fire, which he intended to publish.*
* No powers of ridicule could exaggerate the absurdity of the
projects for which companies were formed in 1720, during- the South
Sea mania; and Swift's account of the Academy of Lagado is tame
when compared with the authentic list of the bubbles of the day.
Amongst them we find: "For building and rebuilding houses through-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 229
There was a most ingenious architect, who had contrived
a new method for building houses, by beginning at the roof,
and working downward to the foundation; which he justi-
fied to me, by the hke practice of those two prudent insects,
the bee and the spider.
There was a man born bhnd, who had several apprentices
in his own condition; their employment was to mix colors
for painters, which their master taught them to distinguish
by feeling and smelling. It was indeed my misfortune to
find them at that time not very perfect in their lessons, and
the professor himself happened to be generally mistaken.
This artist is much encouraged and esteemed by the whole
fraternity.f
In another apartment, I was highly pleased with a pro-
jector who had found a device of ploughing the ground
with hogs, to save the charges of ploughs, catde and labor.
The method is this : in an acre of ground, you bury, at six
inches distance, and eight deep, a quantity of acorns, dates,
chestnuts, and other mast or vegetables, whereof these ani-
mals are fondest; then you drive six hundred or more of
them into the field, where, in a few days, they will root up
out all England (three millions)." "For encouraging the breed of
horses, and improving church lands." "For erecting salt pans in Holy
Island (two millions)." "For furnishing funerals to any part of Great
Britain." "For carrying on the royal fishery of Great Britain (ten
miUions)." "For insuring of horses (two millions)." "For wheel for
perpetual motion (one million). ' "For drying malt by hot air." 'For
building hospitals for bastard children." "For the transmutalion of
quicksilver into a malleable fine metal." "For buying and fitting out
ships to suppress pirates." "For importing a number of large jack-
asses from Spain." "For extracting silver from lead." But perhaps
the most strange of all was "For an undertaking of great advantage
which shall in due time be revealed." Each subscriber was to pay
down two guineas, and hereafter to receive a share of one hundred,
with a disclosure of the object; and so tempting was the offer, that
one thousand of these subscriptions were paid the same morn:ng, with
which the projecter went off in the afternoon. A ballad, which has
been added as an Appendix to the Voyage to Laputa, had a consid-
erable effect in dispelling the national delusion.
t Some philosophers of Swift's days maintained that the blind could
be taught to distinguish colors by the touch, and quoted the example
of a bl nd Danish sculptor, mentioned by Bartoiin, who distinguished
all kinds of wood, and all the colors, merely by feeling. Indeed, there
are few sciences in which the blind have not distinguishea them-
selves. The case of Professor Sanderson, at Cambridge, is well
known. His attainments in the languages, and still more in mathe-
matics, in philosophy, and in music, were truly astonishing. His
sense of touch was so acute that he distinguishes spurious cqinn
merely by letting them pass through his fingers, though they were so
well executed that even skillful judges were deceived by them, it
Is probable that a project to provide employment for the blind was
issued among the bubbles of 1720, though it is not found in any of the
lists.
230 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the whole ground in search of thicir feed, and make it fit for
sowing, at the same time manuring it with their dung; it
is true, upon experiment, they found the charge and trouble
very great, and they had little or no crop. However, it is
not doubted, that this invention may be capable of great
improvement.
I went into another room, where the walls and ceiling
were all hung round with cobwebs, except a narrow passage
for the artist to go in and out. At my entrance, he called
aloud to me "not to disturb his webs." He lamented ''the
fatal mistake the world had been so long in, of using silk-
worms, while he had such plenty of domestic insects who in-
finitely excelled the former, because they understood how to
weave, as well as spin." And he proposed further, ''that by
employing spiders, the charge of dyeing silks should be
wholly saved; whereof I was fully convinced, when he
showed me a vast number of flies most beautifully colored,
wherewith he fed his spiders, assuring us "that the webs
would take a tincture from them; and as he had them of all
hues, he hoped to fit everybody's fancy, as soon as he could
find proper food for the flies, of certain gums, oils, and other
glutinous matter, to give a strength and consistence to the
threads.*
* This is not a caricature, but an unexaggerated statement of a
project seriously proposed by M. Bon, an ingenious Frenchman, who
published a dissertation on the subject in the year 1710. He divided
spider-threads into two kinds: "The first is weak, and onlv serves
for that kind of web with which they catch flies. The second is
much stronger, and is used as a covering for the eggs, both to shelter
them from the cold, and preserve them from insects. These threads
they wind very loosely round the eggs, resembling the ba,ils or bags
of silkworms that have been prepared and looeened for the distaff.
The spider bags are of a gray color when new; but they turn blackish
when long exposed to the air; indeed one might find other spider-bags
of different colors, and which would afford a better silk, but their
scarcity would render the experiment difficult; for which reason it is
better to use only the bags of the short-legged sniders, which are
the most common kind. These always find out some place, secure
from the wind and the rain, to make their bags, as hollow trees,
the corners of windows or vaults, or under the eaves of houses," To
the dissertation is appended a very interesting detail of M. Bon's
experiments and their results, of which the following is a brief ab-
stract: "Out of eight hundred spiders which M, Bon kent, scarcely
one died in a year, whereas of one hundred silkworms, not forty lived
to make their bags." M. Bon having ordered all the short legged
spiders that could be found in the months of August and September
to be brought to him, shut them up in paner cofRns and pots, covering
the pots with paper, which he pricked full of pin holes, as well as the
coffins, to give them air. He fed them with flies and found sometime
afterwards, that the greater part of them had made their bags. The
same ingenious person found that spider's bags, with regard to their
weight, afforded much more silk than those of the silkworms ; as a
proof of which he observes, that thirteen ounces yield four ounces
^''
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. liai
There was an astronomer, who had undertaken to place a
sun-dial upon the great weathercock on the town-house, by
adjusting the annual and diurnal motions of the earth and
sun, so as to answer and coincide with all accidental turnings
of the wind.
I was complaining of a small fit of the colic, upon which
my conductor led me into a room where a great physician
resided, who was famous for curing that disease, by contrary
operations from the same instrument. He had a large pair
of bellows, with a long slender muzzle of ivory; this he con-
veyed eight inches up the anus, and drawing in the wind,
he affirmed he could make the guts as lank as a dried blad-
der. But when the disease was more stubborn and violent,
he let in the muzzle while the bellows were full of wind,
which he discharged into the body of the patient; then
withdrew the instrument to replenish it by clapping his
thumb strongly against the orifice of the fundament; and
this being repeated three or four times, the adventitious
wind would rush out bringing the noxious along with it
(like water put into a pump), and the patient recovered. I
saw him try both experiments upon a dog, but could not
discern any effect from the former. After the latter the ani-
mal was ready to burst, and made so violent a discharge as
was very offensive to me and my companion. The dog died
on the spot, and we left the doctor endeavoring to recover
him, by the same operation.*
of clear silk, two ounces of which will make a pair of stockings;
whereas, stockings of common silk weigh seven or eight ounces. He
found that the spider-silk readily took all kinds of dyes, and might
he made into all kinds of stuffs. M. Bon had stockings and gloves
made of it, some of which he presented to the Royal Academy of
France, and others to our Royal Society. The Royal Academy of
France appointed the celebrated M. Reaumur to investigate this new
silk-work, and his report is contained in the memoirs of the Academy
for 1710. Reaumur showed that such a manufacture was by no means
Impossible, but at the same t'me demonstrated that the material would
not be worth the trouble and expense of its preparation.
It is a pity that Swift was not acquainted with the more ludicrous
details of M. Bon's proposal. He asserted that spider-silk would yield
by distillation, several specific medicines, particularly great quantities
of spirit and volatile salts; which, being prepared after the same man-
ner as that drawn from the bags of silkworms in making the Guttae
Anglicanae, or English drops, at one time so famous all over Europe,
may serve to make other drops of great efficacy, which M. Bon calls
drops' of Montepellier, and advises to be used in all lethargic or sleepy
disorders.
* The ridicule of this passage is directed against Dr. Woodward
who published a theory of vomition, founded on a series of experi-
ments he had tried with dogs. V^oodward was rather severely at-
tacked by Dr. Friend, who treated him as an ignorant empiric. Friend
232 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
I visited many other apartments, but shall not trouble my
reader with all the curiosities I observed, being studious of
brevity.
I had hitherto seen only one side of the academy, the
other being appropriated to the advancers of speculative
learning, of whom I shall say something, when I have men-
tioned one illustrious person more, who is called among
them "the universal artist." He told us ''he had been thirty
years employing his thoughts for the improvement of
human life." He had two large rooms full of wonderful
curiosities, and fifty men at work. Some were condensing
air into a dry tangible substance, by extracting the nitre,
and letting the aqueous or fluid particles percolate; others
softening marble, for pillows and pin-cushions; others
petrifying the hoofs of a living horse, to preserve them from
foundering. The artist himself was at that time busy upon
two great designs; the first to sow land with chaff, wherein
he affirmed the true seminal virtue to be contained, as he
demonstrated by several experiments, which I was not skill-
ful enough to comprehend. The other was, by a certain
comiposition of gums, minerals, and vegetables, outwardly
applied, to prevent the growth of wool upon two young
lambs; and he hoped, in a reasonable time, to propagate
the breed of naked sheep all over the kingdom.
We crossed a walk to the other part of the academy,
where, as I have already said, the projectors of speculative
learning resided.
The first professor I saw, was in a very large room, with
forty pupils about him. After salutation, observing me to
look earnestly upon a fram.e, which took up the greatest part
of both the length and breadth of the room, he said: ''Per-
haps I might wonder to see him employed in a project for
improving speculative knowledge, by practical and mechani-
cal operations. But the world would soon be sensible of its
usefulness; and he flattered himself that a more noble, ex-
alted thought never sprang into any other man's head.
Every one knew how laborious the usual method is of at-
was a zealous Tory, and intimately connected with the Bishop of
Rochester: indeed he was sent to the Tower, when the Habeas Corpus
Act was susuended, on account of Layer's plot; Swirt knew nothing
of the merits of the discussion, but he was intimate with Friend and
disliked Woodward; Pope shared the same feelings, for in Martinus
Scriblerus there is a very humorous parody of Woodward's Disser-
tation on an Ancient Shield,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 233
taining to arts and sciences; whereas, by his contrivance
the most ignorant person, at a reasonable charge, and with a
httle bodily labor, might write books in philosophy, poetry,
politics, laws, mathematics, and theology, without the least
assistance from genius or study." He then led me to the
frame, about the sides whereof all his pupils stood in ranks.
It was twenty feet square, placed in the middle of the room..
The superficies was composed of several bits of wood, about
the bigness of a die, but some larger than others. They w^ere
all linked together by slender wires. These bits of wood
were covered, on every square, with paper pasted on them;
and on these papers were written all the words of their lan-
guage, in their several moods, tenses, and declensions ; but
without any order. The professor then desired me ''to ob-
serve; for he was going to set his engine at work." The
pupils, at his command, took each of them hold of an iron
handle, whereof there were forty fixed round the edges
of the frame; and giving them a sudden turn, the whole dis-
position of the words was entirely changed. He then com-
manded six-and-thirty of the lads to read the several lines
softly, as they appeared upon the frame; and where they
found three or four words together that might make part
of a sentence, they dictated to the four remaining boys,
w^ho w^ere scribes. This work was repeated three or four
times; and at every turn, the engine was so contrived, that
the words shifted into nev/ places, as the square bits of wood
moved upside dov/n.''^
Six hours a day the young students were employed in this
labor; and the professor showed me several volumes in
large folio, already collected, of broken sentences, which
he intended to piece together, and out of those rich mate-
* Raymond Lully actually propounded a mechanical contrivance
for the solution of all possible problems. And Cornenus Agrippa wrote
a commentary upon the project, by means of which he declared that
any man might be enabled v/ith facility to discuss any subject, how-
ever abstruse and difficult. The machine was to consist of a certain
number of concentric circles, some fixed and some movable; on the
second, absolute predicates; on the third, relative predicates; and on
the others, formularies of questions. A system of triangles was applied
for expressing conditions and limitations; and Agrippa in his Com-
mentaries gwes some extraordinary specimens of results. Many
eminent meu, particularly Kircher and Kuhlman, advoca.ted this
mechanical contrivance, and averred that they had brought it to a
high degree of perfection. Those who have witnessed the operations
of Babbage's calculating machine must confess, that so far as the
relations of quantity are concerned, a mechanical contrivance has
succeeded in solving problems which would test the highest attain-
ments of a ma,thematician.
234 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
rials, to give the world a complete body of all arts and
sciences; which however, might be still improved, and much
expedited, if the public would raise a fund for making and
employing five hundred such frames in Lagado, and oblige
the managers to contribute in common their several col-
lections.
He assured me ''that this invention had employed all his
thoughts from his youth: that he had emptied the whole vo-
cabulary into his frame, and made the strictest computation
of the general proportion there is in books between the num-
bers of particles, nouns, and verbs, and other parts of
speech."
I made my humblest acknowledgment to this illustrious
person for his great communicativeness; and promised, "if
ever I had the good fortune to return to my native country,
that I would do him justice, as the sole inventor of this won-
derful machine;" the form and contrivance of which I desired
leave to delineate on paper. I told him, "although it were
the custom of our learned in Europe to steal inventions from
each other, who had thereby at least this advantage,
that it became a controversy which was the right owner: yet
I would take such caution, that he should have the honor
entire, without a rival."
We next went to the school of languages, where three
professors sat in consultation upon improving that of their
own country.
The first project was to shorten discourse, by cutting
polysyllables into one, and leaving out verbs and participles ;
because, in reality, all things imaginable are but nouns.
The other project was a scheme for entirely abolishing all
words whatsoever; and this was urged as a great advantage
in point of health as well as brevity. For if is plain, that
every word we speak is, in some degree, a diminution of our
lungs by corrosion; and consequently contributes to the
shortening of our lives. An expedient was therefore offered,
''that since words are only names for things, it would be
more convenient for all men to carry about them such things
as were necessary to express a particular business they are
to discourse on." And this invention would certainly have
taken place, to the great ease as well as health of the subject,
if the women, in conjunction with the vulgar and illiteratCf
had not threatened to raise a rebellion unless they might be
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 235
allowed the liberty to speak with their tongues after the
manner of their forefathers; such constant irreconcilable
enemies to science are the common people. However, many
of the most learned and wise adhere to the new scheme of
expressing themselves by things ; which has only this incon-
venience attending it, that if a man's business be very great,
and of various kinds, he must be obliged, in proportion, to
carry a greater bundle of things upon his back, unless he
can afford one or two strong servants to attend him. I have
often beheld two of these sages almost sinking under the
weight of their pack, like peddlers among us; who, when
they met in the street would lay down their loads; open their
sacks, and hold conversation for an hour together; then put
up their implements, help each other to resume their bur-
dens, and take their leave.
But for short conversations, a man may carry implements
in his pockets, and under his arms, enough to supply him;
and in his house, he cannot be at a loss. Therefore the room
where company meet who practice this art, is full of all
things, ready at hand, requisite to furnish matter for this
kind of artificial converse.
Another great advantage proposed by this invention was,
that it would serve as a universal language, to be understood
in all civilized nations, whose goods and utensils are gen-
erally of the same kind, or nearly resembling, so that their
uses might easily be comprehended. And thus ambassadors
would be qualified to treat with foreign princes, or ministers
of state, to whose tongues they were utter strangers.
I was at the mathematical school, where the master
taught his pupils after a method scarce imaginable to us in
Europe. The proposition and demonstration were fairly
written on a thin wafer, with ink composed of cephalic tinc-
ture. This, the student was to swallow upon a fasting sto-
mach, and for three days following eat nothing but bread
and water. As the wafer digested, the tincture mounted to
his brain, bearing the composition along with it. But the
success has not hitherto been answerable, partly by some
error in the qiiantiun or proposition, and partly by the
perverseness of lads, to whom this bolus is so nauseous, that
they generally steal aside, and discharge it upw^ards, before
it can operate ; neither have they been yet persuaded to use
so long an abstinence as the prescription requires.
236 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
CHAPTER VI.
A FARTHER ACCOUNT OF THE ACADEMY— THE AUTHOR PRO-
POSES SOME IMPROVEMENTS, WHICH ARE HONORABLY
RECEIVED.
Judgment does not seem to rule in the school of political
projectors, where I was but ill entertained; the professors
appearing to me wholly out of their senses, which is a scene
that never fails to make me melancholy. These unhappy
people were proposing schemes for persuading monarchs to
choose favorites upon the score of their wisdom, capacity,
and virtue; of teaching ministers to consult public good; of
rewarding merit, great abilities, and eminent services; of
instructing princes to know their true interest, by placing it
on the same foundation with that of their people; of choos-
ing for employments persons qualified to exercise them.;
with many other wild, impossible chimeras, that never en-
tered before into the heart of man to conceive; and con-
firm.ed in me the old observation, "that there is nothing so
extravagant and irrational, which some philosophers have
not maintained for truth."
But, however, I shall so far do justice to this part of the
academy, as to acknowledge that all of them w^ere not so
visionary. There was a most Ingenious doctor, who seemed
to be perfectly versed in the whole nature and system of
government. This illustrious person had very usefully em-
ployed his studies, in finding out efifectual remedies for all
diseases and corruptions, to which the several kinds of pub-
lic administration are subject, by the vices or iniirmities of
those who govern, as well as by the licentiousness of those
who are to obey. For instance, whereas all writers and rea-
soners have agreed, that there is a strict universal resem-
blance between the natural and the political body; can there
be anything more evident, than that the health of both must
be preserved, and the diseases cured, by the same prescrip-
tions? It is allowed, that senates and great councils are often
troubled with redundant, ebullient, and other peccant
humors; with many diseases of the head, and more of the
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 237
heart; with stro.n»g convulsions, with grievous contractions
of the nerves and sinews in both hands, but especially the
right; with spleen, flatus, vertigoes, and deliriums; with
scrofulous tumors, full of fetid purulent matter; with sour,
frothy eructations; with canine appetites, and crudeness of
digestion, besides many others, needless to mention. This
doctor therefore proposed, "that upon the m.eeting of the
senate, certain physicians should attend at the three first
days of their sitting, and at the close of each day's debate
feel the pulses of every senator; after which, having ma-
turely considered and consulted upon the nature of the sev-
eral maladies, and the methods of cure, they should on the
fourth day return to the senate-house, attended by their
apothecaries, stored with proper medicines; and before the
members sat, administer to each of them lenitives, opera-
tives, abstersives, corrosives, restringents, palliatives, laxa-
tives, cephallagics, icterics, apophlegmatics, acoustics, as
their several cases required; and according as these medi-
cines should operate, repeat, alter, or omit them, at the next
meeting."
This project could not be of any great expense to the
public; and might, in my poor opinion, be of much use for
the despatch of business, in those countries where senates
have any share in the legislative power; beget unanimity,
shorten debates, open a few mouths which are now closed,
and close many more which are now open; curb the petu-
lancy of the young, and correct the positiveness of the old;
rouse the stupid, and damp the pert.
Again: because it is a general complaint, that the favor-
ites of princes are troubled with short and weak memories ;
the same doctor proposed, "that whoever attended a first
minister, after having told his business with the utmost
brevity and in the plainest words, should, at his departure,
give the said minister a tweak by the nose, or a kick in the
belly, or tread on his corns, or lug him thrice by both ears,
or run a pin into his breech, or pinch his arm black and
blue, to prevent forgetfulness and at every levee-day, repeat
the same operation, till the business were done, or absolutely
refused."
He likewise directed, "that every senator in the great
council of a nation, after he had delivered his opinion and
argued in the defense of it, should be obliged to give his vote
238 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
directly contrary; because if that were done, the resuh would
infalhbly terminate in the good of the public."
When parties in a state are violent, he offered a wonderful
contrivance to reconcile them. The method is this, you take
a hundred leaders of each party; you dispose them into
couples of such whose heads are nearest of a size; then let
two nice operators saw off the occiput of each couple at the
same time, in such a manner, that the brain may be equally
divided. Let the occiputs thus cut off, be interchanged,
applying each to the head of his opposite partyman. It
seems indeed to be a work that requires some exactness, but
the professor assured us, "that if it were dexterously per-
formed, the cure would be infallible." For he argued thus:
''that the two half brains being left to debate the matter
between themselves within the space of one skull, would
soon come to a good understanding; and produce that
m.oderation, as well as regularity of thinking, so much to be
wished for in the heads of those who imagine they come into
the world only to watch and govern its motion; and as to
the difference of brains, in quantity or quality, among
those who are directors in faction," the doctor assured us,
from his own knowledge, ''that it was a perfect trifle."
I heard a very warm debate between two professors, about
the most commodious and effectual ways and means of rais-
ing money, without grieving the subject. The first afifirmed,
"the justest method would be to lay a certain tax upon vices
and folly; and the sum fixed upon every man to be rated,
after the fairest manner, by a jury of his neighbors." The
second was of an opinion directly contrary; "to tax those
qualities of body and mind for which men chiefly value
themselves; the rate to be more or less, according to the
degrees of excelling; the decision whereof should be left
entirely to their ovv^n breast." The highest tax was upon men
who are the greatest favorites of the other sex, and the
assessments, according to the number and nature of the
favors they have received; for which, they are allowed to be
their own vouchers. Wit, valor, and politeness, were like-
wise proposed to be largely taxed, and collected in the same
manner, by every person's giving his own word for the
quantum of what he possessed. But as to honor, justice,
wisdom, and learning, they should not be taxed at all; be-
cause they are qualifications of so singular a kind, that no
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 239
man will either allow them in his neighbor or value them in
himself.
The women were proposed to be taxed according to their
beauty and skill in dressing, wherein they had the same
privilege with the men, to be determined by their own judg-
ment. But constancy, chastity, good sense, and good-na-
ture, were not rated, because they would not bear the charge
of collecting.
To keep senators in the interest of the crown, it was pro-
posed that the members shall raffle for employments; every
man first taking an oath, and giving security, that he would
vote for the court, whether he won or not; after which, the
losers had, in their turn, the liberty of raffling upon the next
vacancy. Thus, hope and expectation would be kept alive;
none would complain of broken promises, but impute their
disappointments wholly to fortune, whose shoulders are
broader and stronger than those of a ministry.
Another professor showed me a large paper of instruc-
tions for discovering plots and conspiracies against the gov-
ernment."^ He advised great statesmen to examine into the
diet of all suspected persons; their times of eating; upon
w^hich side they lay in bed; with which hand they wipe
their posteriors; take a strict view of their excrements, and
from the color, the odor, the taste, the consistence, the
crudeness, or maturity of digestion, form a judgment of
their thoughts and designs; because men are never so
serious, thoughtful, and intent, as when they are at stool,
which he found by experience; for in such conjunctures,
when he used, merely as a trial, to consider which was the
best way of murdering the king, his ordure would have a
tincture of green ; but quite different when he thought only
of raising an insurrection, or burning the metropolis.f
The whole discourse was written with great acuteness,
containing many observations, both curious and useful for
* From this to the end of the chapter, the proceedings on the Bill
of Attainder against the Bishop of Rochester are bitterly ridiculed.
t The following extract from the Duke of Wharton's speech on the
second reading of the Bill of Attainder, will sufficiently explain this
coarse allusion. "The next point which was attempted to be proved,
was, that Captain Halstead went to fetch the late Duke of Ormond,
and was at the deanery with the bishop before he embarked; there
are also two letters, found in the bishop's close stool, from this gen-
tleman, which were read, but are only appointments for visits, and
mention nothing of this design."
240 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
politicians; but, as I conceived, not altogether complete.
This I ventured to tell the author, and offered, if he pleased,
to supply him with some additions. He received my propo-
sition with more compliance than is usual among writers,
especially those of the projecting species; professing, "he
would be glad to receive further information."
I told him, ''that in the kingdom of Tribnia,t by the na-
tives called Langden,J where I had sojourned some time in
my travels, the bulk of the people consist in a manner wholly
of discoverers, witnesses, informers, accusers, prosecutors,
evidences, swearers, together with their several subsendenl
and subaltern instruments, all under the colors, the conduct,
and the pay of ministers of state, and their deputies. § The
plots, in that kingdom, are usually the workmanship of those
persons who desire to raise their own characters of profound
politicians; to restore new vigor to a crazy administra-
tion ;j| to stifie or divert general discontents; to fill their cof-
fers with forfeitures; and raise or sink the opinion of public
credit, as either shall best answer their private advantage.*
t Britain. J London.
§ The charge against the Bishop of Rochester was supported by
circumstantial evidence derived from a long and tangled series of
intercepted correspondence and deciphered letters. The Duke of Whar-
ton has given in his speech a very able summary of the arguments
urged by the bishop and his friends against this line of evidence. "My
lords, it very well deserves your lordships' consideration, how far thi.s
kind of evidence is to be admitted. It has appeared to your lordships
by the oath of Mr. Willes himself (the decpherer employed by the
government), that it is an art which depends upon conjecture, for
this gentleman has confessed, that every man is liable to a mistake
in this as well as in other sciences; he teils you that he and his
brother decipherers varied in one or two instances. He allows that
the chasms which they were forced to leave in those letters might
alter the sense of them. And therefore 1 cannot but think that an
accusation, grounded on such proofs, is uncertain and precarious
* * * The person who is the decipherer is not to be confuted, and
what he says must be taken for granted, because the kev cannot be
produced with safety to the public; and consequently, if his con-
jectures be admitted as evidence, our lives and fortunes must depend
on the skill and honesty of the decipherers, who may with safety
impose on the legislature, when there are not means of contradicting
them for want of seeing their key."
A large section of the Whigs had separated from Walpole about
this time, and hence the Tories had plausible grounds for accusing
the minister of forging a Jacobite plot in order to confound his
enemies and strengthen himself.
II The failure of the South Sea Scheme, a little before the discovery
of the plot had given a serious shock to the public credit.
* Atterbury, on the accession of George I., received evident marks
of coldness from the new sovereign; and on the breaking out of the
rebellion in 1715. he rather ostentatiously exhibited his dissatisfaction
to the House of Brunswick by refusing to sign the declaration of the
bishops in favor of the crown. He was consequently an object of
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 241
It is first agreed and settled among them, what suspected
persons shall be accused of a plot; then, effectual care is
taken to secure all their letters and papers, and put the
owners in chains. These papers are delivered to a set of
artists, very dexterous in finding out the mysterious mean-
ings of words, syllables, and letters.
"For instance, they can discover a close-stool, to signify
a privy-council; a flock of geese, a senate; a lame dog.f
an invader; the plague, a standing army; a beetle, a prime
suspicion long before the plot was discovered, and when first arrested,
probably believed that Walpole was acting' merely on conjecture. But
we now know, from Sir Luke Schaah's correspondence, that the con-
spiracy was revealed to Walpole by the regent Duke of Orleans, to
whom the agents of the Pretender communicated the plot in the hope
of obtaining- assistance.
t The whimsical circumstances of a lame dog having furnished the
most convulsive proof against Atterbury was naturally the theme of
much ridicule. '"The case was as follows: There was no doubt that
certain intercepted letters to and from Jones and Illington were of a
treasonable nature; the point was to prove that these names were
designed for the bishop. Now it so happened that Mrs. Atterbury ^who
died early this year, had a little before received a present from Lord
Mar, in France, of a small spotted dog, called Harlequin; and this
animal having broken its leg, being left with one Mrs. Barnes to be
cured, was more than once mentioned in the correspondence of Jones
and Illington. Mrs. Barnes and some other persons were examined
before the council on this subject, and they, supposing that at all
events there could be no treason in a lapdog, readiy owned that
Harlequin was intended as a present for the Bishop of Rochester.
There were many other collateral proofs; but it was ihe throwing up
of this little straw which decided from what quarter blew the wind." —
Lord Mahon's History of England, ii. 56.
The incident is thus noticed in the Report of the Committee of the
House of Commons. "Some letters have been intercepted, which there
is a good reason to believe were from the Bishop of Rochester; and
one of these letters being signed T. Jones, and another T. Illington,
your committee will now lay before the House the evidence they have
found of the bishop's being designated by those two names, collected
from circumstances, v/hich being in themselves seemingly minute, and
of little consequence, were for this reason more frankly confessed by
those who were obstinate in concealing stronger proofs, and yet at
the same time lead directly to the discovery of the person meant b^^-
those names. Mrs. Barnes being examined before a committee of
Lords of the Council, obstinately refused to make the least discovery
relating to George Kelly; but when she came to be asked what she
knew about a dog sent over to Kelly from France, not suspecting
that this would lead to any discovery, she readily owned that a
spotted little dog called Harlequin, which was brought from France,
and had a leg broken, was left with her by Mr. Kelly to be cured;
that the said dog was not for her, but for the Bishop of Rochester;
and that Kelly promised to get the dog for her from the Bishop of
Rochester, in case it did not recover of its lamesess. * * * But it ap-
pears to your Committee by letters intercepted between Kelly and
his correspondents in France, that a dog so named and hurt was sent
over to Kelly from France, to be delivered as a present to the person
denoted by the names of Jones and Illington."
Swift could not resist the tempting opportunity of engaging in
party warfare from which he had now for nine years held aloof; he
poured forth one of his happiest strains of satire on "the horrid con-
spiracy" discovered by a French dog who contessed "as plain as
he could bark." The poem is too long for insertion here and it ih
tlierefore put in the Appendix to this Voyage.
242 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS,
minister; the gout, a high-priest; a gibbet, a secretary of
state; a chamber-pot, a committee of grandees; a sieve,
a court lady; a broom, a revolution; a mouse-trap, an em-
ployment; a bottomless pit, a treasur}^; a sink, a court; a
cap and bells, a favorite; a broken reed, a court of justice;
an empty tun, a general ; a running sore, the administration.
''When this method fails, they have two others more ef-
fectual, which the learned among them call acrostics and
anagrams. First, they can decipher all initial letters into
political meanings. Thus, N, shall signify a plot; B, a
regiment of horse; L, a fleet at sea; or, secondly, by trans-
posing the letters of the alphabet in any suspected paper,
they can lay open the deepest designs of a discontented
party. So, for example, if I should say in a letter to a friend
'Our brother Tom has just got the piles,' a skillful deciph-
erer would discover, that the same letters which compose
that sentence may be analyzed into the following words,
'Resist. a plot is brought home the tour.' And this
is the anagrammatic method."*
The professor made me great acknowledgments for com-
municating these observations, and promised to make hon-
orable mention of me in his treatise.
I saw nothing in this country that could invite me to a
longer continuance, and began to think of returning home
to England.
* This humorous burlesque on the Report of the House of Commons
seems particularly aimed at the following- passage: "From the time
of George Kelly's being first taken up, the Bishop of Rochester is
denoted by the names Rig and Weston, as will appear from the
following circumstances. On the 30th of August, Kelly writes to
Dillon a long letter, which contains the particulars of the Bishop's
being taken into custody, examined, and committed. On the 14th ot
September, Dillon's secretary writes to Kelly, 'that his letter on the
30th of August came safe, and that the particulars he gave of Mr.
Rig's case were very acceptable to Mr. Dillon whose concern for a
true and worthy friend and relation cannot be doubted, and a longing
desire to know her entirely clear of her distemper.' * * * In the
same letter he desires to know what is become of Caste. * * * Tha^
Rig denotes the bishop is further confirmed by these particulars.
Kelly, in his first letter after his enlargement writes word to Jerrard,
'All I can do now will be to deliver to your cousin Rig any goods
that you can send by private hand; he is determined not to receive
them in any other way, and indeed I cannot say he is in the wrong.
How far this late affair may affect him I cannot tell.' Now since it
appears that Kelly was formerly employed in conveying letters to
and from the bishop (which are often called goods in the intercepted
correspondence), since the bishop himself has desired in his letter to
Dillon, that no more letters of consequence be entrusted to the post,
and since Kelly's examination about the dog could affect no one but
the bishop, it may justly be concluded that Rig and the bishop are
the same." * * ♦ * rpj,e identification of Weston with the bishop is
made out by a similar combination of minute circumstances.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 243
CHAPTER VII.
THE AUTHOR LEAVES LAGADO— ARRIVES AT MALDON ADA-
NO SHIP READY— HE TAKES A SHORT VOYAGE TO GLUBB-
DUBDRIB— HIS RECEPTION BY THE GOVERINOR.
Laputa and its dependencies form part of the continent,
which extends itself, as I have reason to beheve, eastward,
to that unknown tract of America, westward of California;
and north, to the Pacific Ocean, which is not above a hun-
dred and fifty miles from Lagado; where there is a good
port, and much commerce with the great island of Lugg-
nagg, situated to the north-west about 29 degrees north lati-
tude, and 140 longitude. This island of Luggnagg stands
south-eastward of Japan, about a hundred leagues distant.
There is a strict alliance between the Japanese emperor and
the king of Luggnagg, which affords frequent opportunities
of saiHng from one island to the other. I determined there-
fore to direct my course this way, in order to my return to
Europe. I hired two mules, with a guide to show me the
way, and carry my small baggage. I took leave of my noble
protector, who had shown me so much favor, and made me
a generous present at my departure.
My journey was without any accident or adventure worth
relating. When I arrived at the port of Maldonada (for so it
is called) there was no ship in the harbor bound for Lugg-
nagg, nor likely to be in some time. The town is about as
large as Portsmouth. I soon fell into some acquaintance,
and was very hospitably received. A gentleman of distinc-
tion said to me, ''that since the ships bound for Luggnagg
could not be ready in less than a month, it might be no dis-
agreeable amusement for me to take a trip to the little island
of Glubbdubdrib, about five leagues off to the south-west."
He offered himself and a friend to accompany me, and that
I should be provided with a small convenient bark for the
voyage.
Glubbdubdrib, as nearly as I can interpret the word,
signifies the island of sorcerers or magicians. It is about
one-third as large as the Isle of Wight, and extremely fruit-
244 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
fill; it is governed by the head of a certain tribe, who are all
magicians. This tribe marries only among each other, and
the eldest in succession is prince or governor. He has a
noble palace, and a park of about three thousand acres, sur-
rounded by a wall of hewn stone twenty feet high. In this
park are several small enclosures for cattle, corn and gar-
dening.
The governor and his family are served and attended by
domestics of a kind somewhat unusual. By his skill in
necromancy, he has a power of calling whom he pleases
from the dead, and commanding their service for twenty-
four hours, but no longer; nor can he call the same person
up again in less than three months, except upon very extra-
ordinary occasions.
When we arrived at the island, which was about eleven
in the morning, one of the gentlemen who accompanied me
went to the governor and desired admittance for a stranger,
who came on purpose to have the honor of attending on his
Highness. This was immediately granted, and we all three
entered the gate of the palace between two rows of guards,
armed and dressed after a very antic manner, and something
in their countenances that made my flesh creep with a horror
that I cannot express. We passed through several apart-
ments, between servants of the same sort, ranked on each
side as before, till we came to the chamber of presence;
where, after three profound obeisances and a few general
questions, we were permitted to sit on three stools, near the
lowest step of his Highness's throne. He understood the
language of Balnibarbi, although it were different from that
of this island. He desired me to give him some account of
my travels ; and to let me see that I should be treated with-
out ceremony, he dismissed all his attendants with a turn of
his finger; at which, to my great astonishment, they van-
ished in an instant, like visions in a dream when we awake
on a sudden. I could not recover myself in some time, till
the governor assured me, "that I should receive no hurt:"
and observing my two companions to be under no concern,
who had been often entertained in the same manner, I
began to take courage, and related to his Highness a short
history of my several adventures, yet not without some hesi-
tation, and frequently looking behind me to the place where
I had seen those domestic spectres. T had the honor to dine
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 245
with the governor, where a nevv^ set of ghosts served up the
meat, and waited at table. I now observed myself to be less
terrified than I had been in the morning. I stayed till sun-
set, but humbly desired his Highness to excuse me for not
accepting his invitation of lodging in the palace. My two
friends and I lay at a private house in the town ad-
joining, which is the capital of this little island; and the
next morning w^e returned to pay our duty to the governor,
as he was pleased to command us.
After this manner we continued in the island for ten days,
most part of every day with the governor, and at night in our
lodging. I soon grew so familiarized to the sight of
spirits, that after the third or fourth time they gave me no
emotion at all; or, if I had any apprehensions left, my cu-
riosity prevailed over them. For his Highness the governor
ordered me ''to call up whatever persons I would choose to
name, and in w^hatever numbers, among all the dead from
the beginning of the world to the present time, and com-
mand them to answer any questions I should think fit to ask;
with this condition, that my questions m.ust be confined
within the compass of the times they lived in. And one
thing I might depend upon, that they would certainly tell
me the truth, for lying was a talent of no use in the lower
world."
I made my humble acknowledgments to his Highness for
so great a favor. We w^ere in a chamber from whence there
was a fair prospect into the park. And because my first
inclination was to be entertained with scenes of pomp and
m.agnilicence, I desired to see Alexander the Great at the
head of his army, just after the battle of Arbela; which, upon
a motion of the governor's fmger, immediately appeared in
a large field, under the window vvdiere we stood. Alexander
was called up into the room ; it was with great difficulty that
I understood his Greek,* and had but little of my own. He
assured me upon his honor "that he was not poisoned, but
died of a bad fever, by excessive drinking.^f
* A hint from Gulliver that we have lost the true Greek idiom.—
Orrery.
t In this passage there is a peculiar beauty, though it is not dis-
covered at a hasty view. The apnearance of Alexander with a
victorious army immediately after the battle of Arbela, produces only
a declaration that he died by drunkenness; thus inadequate and
ridiculous in the eye of reason as the ultimate purpose for which
Alexander and his army marched into a remote country, subverted
246 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Next, I saw Hannibal passing the Alps, who told me '1ie
had not a drop of vinegar in his camp."J
I saw Caesar and Pompey at the head of their troops, just
ready to engage. I saw the former, in his last great tri-
umph. I desired that the senate of Rome might appear be-
fore me, in one large chamber^ and a modern representa-
tive in counterview, in another. The first seemed to be an
assembly of heroes and demigods ; the other, a knot of ped-
lers, pickpockets, highwaymen, and bullies.
The governor, at my request, gave the sign for Caesar and
Brutus to advance towards us. I w^as struck with a profound
veneration at the sight of Brutus, and could easily discover
the most consummate virtue, the greatest intrepidity and
firmness of mind, the truest love of his country, and general
benevolence of mankind, in every lineament of his counte-
nance. I observed, with much pleasure, that these two
persons were in good intelligence with each other; and
Caesar freely confessed to me, ''that the greatest actions of
his life were not equal, by many degrees, to the glory of
taking it away." I had the honor to have much conversa-
tion with Brutus; and was told ''that his ancestor, Junius,
Socrates, Epaminondas, Cato the Younger,* Sir Thomas
More, and himself, were perpetually together;" a sextum-
virate to which all the ages of the world cannot add a sev-
enth.
It would be tedious to trouble the reader with relating
what vast numbers of illustrious persons were called up, to
gratify that insatiable desire I had to see the world in every
a mighty empire, and deluged a nation with blood; he gained no more
i'than an epithet to his name, which, after a few repetitions, was no
longer regarded, even by himself. Thus the purpose of his resurrection
appears to be at least equally important with that of his life, upon
which it is a satire not more bitter than just.— Haw kesworth.
$ Livy, the Roman historian, has related that Hannibal burnt a
great pile of wood upon a rock that stopped his passage, and when it
v/as thus heated poured vinegar upon it, pay which it v/as made so soft
as to be easily cut through. — Hawkesworth.
This story has been generally doubted by modern writers, since it
was hardly possible that Hannibal could have had along with his
army a sufficient quantity of vinegar to make the experiment, and
since it is certain, the experiment, if made, could not have succeeded
to any useful extent.
* I am in some doubt whether Cato the censor can fairly claim a
rank among so choice a group of ghosts.— Orrery. This note of his
lordship is an encomium on the judgment of our author, who knew
that Cato the censor and Cato the younger were different persons, and
for :^ood reason preferred the latter.— Hawkesworth.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 247
period of antiquity place before me. I chiefly fed mine eyes
with beholding the destroyers of tyrants and usurpers, and
the restorers of liberty to oppressed and injured nations.
But it is impossible to express the satisfaction I received in
my own mind, after such a manner, as to make it a suitable
entePtainment to the reader.
CHAPTER VIII.
A FARTHER ACCOUNT OF GLUBBDUBDRIB — ANCIENT AND
MODERN HISTORY CORRECTED.
Desirous to see those ancients who were most renowned
for wit and learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I pro-
posed that Homer and Aristotle might appear at the head of
all the commentators; but these were so numerous, that
some hundreds were forced to attend in the court and out-
ward rooms of the palace. I knew, and could distinguish
those two heroes, at first sight, not only from the crowd,
but from each other. Homer was the taller and comelier
person of the two, walked very erect for one of his age, and
his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever beheld.
Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a staff. His visage
was meager, his hair lank and thin, and his voice hollow.'^
I soon discovered that both of them were perfect strangers
to the rest of the company, and had never seen or heard of
them before: and I had a whisper from a ghost who shall
be nameless, ''that these commentators always kept in the
most distant quarters from their principals, in the lower
world, through a consciousness of shame and guilt, because
they had so horribly misrepresented the meaning of those
authors to posterity." I introduced Didymus and Eusta-
thius to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better
than perhaps they deserved, for he soon found they wanted
* This description of Aristotle is fine, and in a few words represents
the true nature of his works. By not having- the immortal spirit of
Horner, he was unable to keep his body erect and his staff, which
feebly supported him, like his commentators, made this defect more
conspicuous. He wanted not some useful qualities, but these real
ornaments like his hair, were thin and ungraceful. — Orrery. In this
the noble commentator seems to be mistaken, for it cannot be believed
that Aristotle's real ornaments, however few, were ungraceful.—
Hawkesworth,
248 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
a genius to enter into the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was
out of all patience with the account I gave him of Scotus
and Ramus, as I presented them to him ; and he asked them,
"whether the rest of the tribe were as great dunces as them-
selves."
I then desired the governor to call up Descartes and Gas-
sendi, with whom I prevailed to explain their systems to
Aristotle; This great philosopher freely acknowledged his
own mistakes in natural philosophy, because he proceeded
in many things upon conjecture, as all men must do; and
he found that Gassendi, who had made the doctrine of Epi-
curus as palatable as he could, and vortices of Descartes,
were equally to be exploded. He predicted the same fate
to attraction, whereof the present learned are such zealous
assertors.f He said, "new systems of nature were but fash-
ions which would vary in every age; and even those who
pretend to demonstrate them from mathematical principles,
would flourish but a short period of time, and be out of
vogue when that was determined.
I spent five days in conversing with many others of the
ancient learned. I saw most of the first Roman emperors.
I prevailed on the governor to call up Heliogabalus's cooks
to dress us a dinner, but they could not show us much of
their skill, for want of materials. A helot of Agesilaus made
us a dish of Spartan broth, but I was not able to get down
a second spoonful.
The two gentlemen who conducted me to the island, w^ere
pressed by their private affairs to return in three days, which
I employed in seeing some of the modern dead, who had
made the greatest figure for two or three hundred years past,
in our own and other countries of Europe: and having been
always a great admirer of old illustrious families, I desired
the governor would call up a dozen or two of kings, v\^ith
tlieir ancestors in order, for eight or nine generations. But
my disappointment was grievous and unexpected. For, in-
stead of a long train with royal diadems, I saw in one family
two fiddlers, three spruce courtiers, and an Italian prelate.
In another, a barber, an abbot, and two cardinals. I have
too great a veneration for crowned heads to dwell any longer
t Swift here manifestly shows his ignorance of Sir Isaac Newton's
philosophy, which is founded not on conjecture, like the theories of
Ga?=iendi and Descartes, but is a leg-itimate induction from ascertained
facts.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 249
©n SO nice a subject. But as to counts, marquises, dukes,
earls, and the like, I was not so scrupulous. And I confess
it was not without some pleasure that I found myself able to
trace the particular features, by which certain families are
distinguished, up to their originals. I could plainly discover
whence one family derives a long chin; why a second has
abounded with knaves for two generations, and fools for two
more; why a third happened to be crack-brained, and a
fourth to be sharpers ; whence it came, what Polydore Virgil
says of a certain great house, Ncc vir fortis, nee faemina
easta; how cruelty, falsehood, and cowardice, grew to be
characteristics, by which certain families are distinguished as
such by their coats of arms; who first brought the pox into
a noble house, which has lineally descended in scrofulous
tumors to their posterity. Neither could I wonder at all
this when I saw such an interruption of lineages, by pages,
lackeys, valets, coachmen, gamesters, fiddlers players, cap-
tains, and pick pockets.
I was chiefly disgusted with modern history. For having
strictly examined all the persons of greatest name in the
courts of princes for a hundred years past, I found how the
world has been misled by prostitute writers, to ascribe the
greatest exploits in war, to cowards; the wisest counsel, to
fools; sincerity to flatterers; Roman virtue, to betrayers of
their country; piety, to atheists; chastity, to sodomites,
truth, to informers; how many innocent and excellent per-
sons had been condemned to death or banishment by the
practicing of great ministers upon the corruption of judges,
and the malice of factions; how many villains had been
exalted to the highest places of trust, power, dignity, and
profit ; how great a share in the motions and events of
courts, councils, and senates, might be challenged by bawds,
whores, pimps, parasites, and bufToons. How low an opin-
ion I had of human wisdom and integrity when I was truly
informed of the springs and motives of great enterprises
and revolutions in the world, and of the contemptible acci-
dents to which they owed their success!
Here I discovered the roguery and ignorance of those who
pretend to write anecdotes, or secret history; who send so
many kings to their graves with a cup of poison; will repeat
the discourse between a prince and a chief minister, where
no witness was by; unlock the thoughts and cabinets of
250 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ambassadors and secretaries of state; and have the perpetual
misfortune to be mistaken. Here I discovered the true
causes of many great events that have surprised the world;
how a whore can govern the back stairs, the back stairs a
council, and the council a senate. A general confessed, in
my presence, ''that he got victory purely by the force of
cowardice and ill-conduct;"* and an admiral, "that for want
of proper intelligence, he beat the enemy, to whom he in-
tended to betray the fleet."t Three kings protested to me,
that in their whole reigns they never did once offer to any
person of merit, unless by mistake, or treachery of some
minister in whom they confided; neither would they do it
if they were to live again; and they showed, with great
strength of reason, ''that the royal throne could not be sup-
ported without corruption, because the positive, confident,
restive temper, which virtue infused into a man, was a per-
petual clog to public business.''^
I had the curiosity to inquire in a particular manner, by
what method great numbers had procured to themselves
high titles of honor, and prodigious estates; and I confined
my inquiry to a very modern period; however, without grat-
ing upon present times because I would be sure to give no
offense even to foreigners ; for I hope the reader need not be
told, that I do not in the least intend my own country, in
what I say upon this occasion. A great number of persons
concerned were called up; and, upon a very slight examina-
tion, discovered such a scene of infamy, that I cannot reflect
upon it without some seriousness. Perjury, oppression, sub-
ordination, fraud, panderism, and the like infirmities, were
among the most excusable arts they had to mention; and
for these I gave, as it was reasonable, great allowance. But
when some confessed they owed their greatness and wealth
to sodomy, or incest; others to the prostituting of their own
wives and daughters ; others to the betraying of their coun-
* The battle of Angheim was won by the accidental death of Lieu-
tenant Keith, just as he was about to take advantage of the blunders
of the English commanders.
t Sir Walter Scott, with great probability, conjectures that the
insinuation is directed against Admiral Russell, whose loyalty to
William III., even when he won the naval victory at La Hogue, was
very suspicious.
t Charles II., James II., William III., for whose memory Swift
entertained no great reverence.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 251
try or their prince; some to poisoning; more, to the pre-
venting of justice, in order to destroy the innocent; I hope
I may be pardoned, if these discoveries incHned me a Httle
to abate of that profound veneration which I am naturally
apt to pay persons of high rank, who ought to be treated
with the utmost respect due to their sublime dignity, by us
their inferiors.
I had often read of some great services done to princes
and states^ and desire to see the persons by whom those
services were performed. Upon inquiry, I was told, ''that
their names were to be found on no record, except a few of
them, whom history has represented as the vilest of rogues
and traitors." As to the rest, I had never once heard of
them. They all appeared with dejected looks and in the
meanest habit; most of them telling me, "they died in pov-
erty and disgrace," and the rest on a scaffold and gibbet.
Among others, there was one person whose case ap-
peared a little singular. He had a youth about eighteen
years old standing by his side. He told me ''he had for
many years been commander of a ship; and in the sea-fight
at Actium had the good fortune to break through the
enemy's great line of battle, sink three of their capital ships,
and take a fourth, which was the sole cause of Antony's
flight, and of the victory that ensued; that the youth stand-
ing by him, his only son, was killed in the action." He
added, "that upon the confidence of some merit, the war
being at an end, he went to Rome, and solicited at the court
of Augustus to be preferred to a greater ship, whose com-
mander had been killed; but without any regard to his pre-
tensions, it was given to a boy who had never seen the sea,
the son of Libertina, who waited on one of the emperor's
mistresses. Returning back to his own vessel he was
charged with neglect of duty, and the ship given to a favor-
ite page of Publicola, the vice-admiral; whereupon he re-
tired to a poor farm at a great distance from Rome, and
there ended his life." I was so curious to know the truth
of this story, that I desired Agrippa might be called, who
^yas admiral in the fight. He appeared, and confirmed the
whole account; but with much more advantage to the cap-
tain, whose modesty had extenuated or concealed a great
part of his merit.
I was surprised to find corruption grown so high and so
252 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
quick in that empire, by the force of luxury so lately intro-
duced; which made me less wonder at many parallel cases
in other countries, where vices of all kinds have reigned so
much longer, and where the whole praise, as well as pillage,
has been engrossed by the chief commander, who perhaps
had the least title to either.
As every person called up made exactly the same ap-
pearance he had done in the world, it gave me melancholy
reflections to observe how much the race of human kind v/as
degenerated among us, within these hundred years past;
how the pox, under all its consequences and denominations,
had altered every lineament of an English countenance;
shortened the size of bodies, unbraced the nerves, relaxed
the sinews and muscles, introduced a sallow complexion,
and rendered the flesh loose and rancid.
I descended so low, as to desire some English yeomen of
the old stamp might be summoned to appear; once so
famous for the simplicity of their manners, diet, and dress;
for justice in their dealings; for their true spirit of liberty;
for their valor, and love of their country. Neither could I
be wholly unmoved, after comparing the living with the
dead, when I considered how all these pure native virtues
were prostituted for a piece of money by their grandchil-
dren ; who, in selling their votes and managing at elections,
have acquired every vice and corruption that can possibly
be learned in a court.*
CHAPTER IX.
THE AUTHOR RETURNS TO MALDONADA-SAILS TO THE
KINGDOM OF LUGGNAGG— THE AUTHOR CONFINED— HE TS
SENT FOR TO COURT— THE MANNER OF HIS ADMITTANCE
—THE KING'S GREAT LENITY TO HIS SUBJECTS.
Leave of his Highness the governor of Glubbdubdrib,
having been obtained, I returned with my two companions
to Maldonada, where, after a fortnight's waiting, a ship was
ready to sail for Luggnagg. The two gentlemen, and
some others, were so generous and kind as to furnish me
* Few persons can read this chapter without feeling- that it i?
a complete failure; "there needed no ghost to tell us" any of the
stories for which the spirits were evoked.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 253
with provisions, and see me on board. I was a month in
this voyage. We had one violent storm, and were under a
necessity of steering westward to get into the trade wind,
which holds for above sixty leagues. On the 2ist of April,
1768, we sailed into the river of Clumegnig, which is a sea-
port town, at the south-east point of Luggnagg. We cast
anchor within a league of the town, and made a signal for a
pilot. Two of them came on board in less than half an hour,
by whom we were guided betwee-n certain shoals and rocks,
which are very dangerous in the passage, to a large basin,
where a fleet may ride in safety within a cable's length of
the town wall.
Some of our sailors, whether out of treachery or inadver-
tence, had informed the pilots "that I was a stranger, and a
great traveler;" whereof these gave notice to a custom-
house officer, by whom I was examined very strictly upon
my landing. This officer spoke to me in the language of
Balnibarbi, which by the force of much commerce, is gen-
erally understood in that town, especially by seamen and
those employed in the customs. I gave him a short account
of some particulars, and made my story as plausible and
consistent as I could; but I thought it necessary to disguise
my country, and call myself a Hollander; because my inten-
tions were for Japan, and I knew the Dutch were the only
Europeans permitted to enter into that kingdom. I there-
fore told the officer, "that having been ship-wrecked on the
coast of Balnibarbi, and cast on a rock, I was received up
into Laputa, or the flying island (of which he had often
heard), and was now endeavoring to get to Japan, whence
I might find a convenience of returning to my own country."
The officer said, "I must be confined till he could receive or-
ders from court, for which he would write immediately,
and hoped to receive an answer in a fortnight." I was car-
ried to a convenient lodging, with a sentry placed at the
door; however I had the liberty of a large garden, and was
treated with humanity enough, being maintained all the
time at the king's charge. I was visited by several persons,
chiefly out of curiosity; because it was reported that I came
from countries very remote, of which they had never heard.
I hired a young man who came in the same ship, to be an
interpreter: he was a native of Luggnagg, but had lived
some years at Maldonada, and was a perfect master of both
254 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
languages. By his assistance^ I was able to hold a conver-
sation with those who came to visit me; but this consisted
only of their questions and my answers.
The dispatch came from court about the time we expect-
ed. It contained a warrant for conducting me and my reti-
nue to Traldragdubh, or Trildrogdrib (for it is pronounced
both ways as near as I can remember), by a party of ten
horse. All my retinue was that poor lad for an interpreter,
whom I persuaded into my service, and at my humble re-
quest, we had each of us a mule to ride on. A messenger
was dispatched half a day's journey bef9re us, to give the
king notice of my approach; and to desire, "that his maj-
esty would please to appoint a day and hour, when it would
be his gracious pleasure that I might have the honor to lick
the dust before his footstool." This is the court style, and
I found it to be more than matter of form: for, upon my
admittance two days after my arrival, I was commanded to
crawl upon my belly, and lick the floor as I advanced; but
on account of my being a stranger, care was taken to have
it made so clean, that the dust was not offensive. However,
this was a peculiar grace, not allowed to any but persons
of the highest rank, when they desire an admittance. Nay,
sometimes the floor is strewed with dust on purpose, when
the person to be admitted happens to have powerful ene-
mies at court; and, I have seen a great lord with his mouth
so crammed, that when he had crept to the proper distance
from the throne, he was not able to speak a word. Neither
is there any remedy; because it is capital for those who re-
ceive an audience to spit or wipe their mouths in his maj-
esty's presence. There is indeed another custom, which I
cannot altogether approve of: when the king has a mind to
put any of his nobles to death in a gentle indulgent manner,
he commands the floor to be strewed with a certain brown
powder of a deadly composition, which, being licked up,
infallibly kills him in twenty-four hours. But in justice to this
prince's great clemency, and the care he has of his subjects'
lives (wherein it were much to be wished that the monarchs
of Europe would imitate him), it must be mentioned for his
honor, that strict orders are given to have the infected parts
of the floor well washed after every such execution, which,
if his domestics neglect, they are in danger of incurring his
royal displeasure. I myself heard him give directions, that
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 255
one of his pages should be whipped, whose turn it was to
give notice about washing the floor after an execution, but
mahciously had omitted it; by which neglect a young lord of
great hopes, coming to an audience, was unfortunately poi-
soned, although the king at that time had no design against
his life. But this good prince was so gracious as to forgive
the poor page his whipping, upon promise that he w^ould do
so no more, without special orders.'''
To return from this digression: when I had crept within
four yards of the throne, I raised myself gently upon my
knees, and then striking my forehead seven times against
the ground, pronounced the following words, as they had
been taught me the night before — Inckpling gloffthrobh
spuut serufnm blhiop mlashnalt zwin tnodbalkuff hslhiop-
had gU7'dlubh asht. This is the compliment established by
the laws of the land, for all persons admitted to the king's
presence. It may be rendered into English thus! "May
your celestial majesty outlive the sun eleven moons and a
half!" To this the king returned some answer, which, al-
though I could not understand, yet I replied as I had been
directed: Flute drin yalerick dwuldom prastrad mirpush,
which, properly signifies, "My tongue is in the mouth of my
friend;" and by this expression was meant that I desired
leave to bring my interpreter: whereupon the young man,
already mentioned, was accordingly introduced: by whose
intervention I answered as many questions as his majesty
could put in above an hour. I spoke in the Balnibarbian
tongue, and my interpreter delivered my meaning in that of
Luggnagg.
The king was much delighted with my company, and or-
dered his bliffmarklub, or high chamberlain, to appoint a
lodging in the court for me and my interpreter : with a daily
allowance for my table, and a large purse of gold for my
common expenses.
I stayed three months in this country, out of perfect obe-
dience to his majesty; who was pleased highly to favor me,
and made me very honorable offers. But I thought it more
consistent with prudence and justice to pass the remainder
of my days with my wife and family.
* George I. was very anxious to restore the Earl of Clancarty to his
title and estates, believing that the attainder of the family by tht
Irish Parliament was unjust; but the party of the ascendency in
Ireland refused to reverse the forfeiture, and the King, after a slight
show of anger, w^as forced to acquiesce in the continued injustice.
556 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
CHAPTER X.
THE LUGGNAGGIANS COMMENDED-A PARTICULAR DESCRIP-
TION OP THE STRULDBRUGS. WITH MANY CONVERSA-
TIONS BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND SOME EMINENT
PERSONS UPON THAT SUBJECT.
Luggnaggians are polite and generous; and although
they are not v/ithout sorne share of that pride which is pe-
culiar to all Eastern countries, yet they show themselves
courteous to strangers, especially such who are counten-
anced by the court. I had many acquaintance, and among
persons of the best fashion; and being always attended by
my interpreter, the conversation we had was not disagree-
able.
One day, in much good company, I was asked by a per-
son of quality, 'V/hether I had seen any of their struldbrugs,
or immortals?" I said, ''I had not;" and desired he would
explain to me what he meant by such an appellation, ap-
plied to a mortal creature. He told me "that sometimes,
though very rarely, a child happened to be born in a family,
with a red circular spot in his forehead, directly over the left
eyebrow, which was an infallible mark that it should never
die. The spot," as he described it, ''was about the compass
of a silver threepence, but in the course of time grew larger,
and changed its color; for at twelve years old it became
green, so continued till five-and-tv/enty, then turned to a
deep blue; at five-and-forty it grew coal-black, and as large
as an English shilling; but never admitted any farther al-
teration." He said, "these births were so rare, that he did
not believe there could be above eleven hundred struld-
brugs, of both sexes, in the whole kingdom ; of which he
computed about fifty in the metropolis, and among the rest,
a young girl born about three years ago; that these produc-
tions were not peculiar to any family, but a m.ere effect of
chance; and the children of the struldbrugs^ themselves
were equally mortal with the rest of the people."
I freely own myself to have been struck with inexpressible
delight upon hearing this account; and the person who
gave it me happening to understand the Balnibarbian Ian-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 257
guage, which I spoke very well, I could not forbear break-
ing out into expressions perhaps a little too extravagant. I
cried out, as in a rapture, ''Happy nation, where every child
has at least a chance for being immortal! Happy people,
who enjoy so many living examples of ancient virtue, and
have masters ready to instruct them in the wisdom of all
former ages! but happiest^ beyond all comparison, are those
excellent struldbrugs, who, being born exempt from that
universal calamity of human nature, have their minds free
and disengaged without the weight and depression of spir-
its caused by the continual apprehension of death." I dis-
covered my admiration, ''that I had not observed any of
these illustrious persons at court; the black spot on the
forehead being so remarkable a distinction, that I could not
have easily overlooked it; and it was impossible that his
majesty, a most judicious prince, should not provide himself
with a good number of such wise and able counsellors. Per-
haps the virtue of those reverend sages was too strict for
the corrupt and libertine manners of a court; and we often
find by experience, that young men are too opinionated and
volatile to be guided by the sober dictates of their seniors.
However, since the king was pleased to allow me access to
his royal person, I was resolved upon the first occasion, to
deliver my opinion to him on this matter freely and at large,
by the help of my interpreter; and whether he would please
to take my advice or not, yet in one thing I was determined,
that his majesty having frequently offered me an establish-
ment in this country, I would, with great thankfulness ac-
cept the favor, and pass my life here in the conversation of
those superior beings the struldbrugs, if they would please
to admit me."
The gentleman to whom I addressed my discourse, be-
cause (as I have already observed) he spoke the language of
Balnibarbi, said to me with a sort of smile which usually
arises from pity to the ignorant, "that he was glad of any
occasion to keep me among them, and desired my permis-
sion to explain to the company what I had spoke." He did
so, and they talked together for some time in their own
language, whereof I understood not a syllable, neither could
I observe by their countenances, what impression my dis-
course had made on them. After a short silence, the same
person told me, "that his friends and mine (so -he thought
X7
25S GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
fit to express himself) were very much pleased with the judi-
cious remarks I had made on the great happiness and ad-
vantages of immortal life, and they were desirous to know,
in a particular manner, what scheme of living I should have
formed to myself, if it had fallen to my lot to have been born
a struldbrug?"
I answered, "that it was easy to be eloquent on so copious
and delightful a subject, especially to me, who had been
often apt to amuse myself with visions of what I should do,
if I were a king, a general, or a great lord; and upon this
very case, I had frequently run over the whole system how
I should employ myself, and pass the time, if I were sure to
live forever.
"That, if it had been my good fortune to come into the
world a struldbrug, as soon as I could discover my own hap-
piness, by understanding the difference between life and
death, I would first resolve, by all arts and methods whatso-
ever, to procure myself riches; in the pursuit of which, by
thrift and management, I might reasonably expect, in about
two hundred years, to be the wealthiest man in the king-
dom. In the second place, I would, from my earliest youth,
apply myself to the study of arts and sciences, by which I
should arrive in time to excel all others in learning. Lastly,
I would carefully record every action and event of conse-
quence, that happened in the public, impartially draw the
characters of the several successions of princes and great
ministers of state, with my own observations on every point.
I would exactly set down the several changes in customs,
language, fashions of dress, diet, and diversions, by which
acquirement, I should be a living treasure of knowledge
and wisdom, and certainly become the oracle of the nation.
"I would never marry after threescore, but live in a hos-
pitable manner, yet still on the saying side. I would enter-
tain myself in forming and directing the minds of hopeful
young men, by convincing them, from my own remem-
brance, experience and observation, fortified by numerous
examples, of the usefulness of virtue in public and private
life. But my choice and constant companions should be a
set of my own immortal brotherhood; among whom I
would elect a dozen from the most ancient, down to my own
contemporaries. When any of these wanted fortunes I
would provide them with convenient lodges around my es-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 259
tate, and have some of them always at my table; only ming-
ling a few of the most valuable among you mortals, whom
length of time would harden me to lose with little or no
reluctance, and entreat your posterity after the same man-
ner; just as a man diverts himself with the annual succes-
sion of pinks and tulips in his garden, without regarding
the loss of those which withered the preceding year.
'These struldbrugs, and I, would mutually communicate
our observations and memorials, through the course of
time; remark the several gradations by which corruption
steals into the world, and oppose it in every step, by giving
perpetual warning and instruction to mankind; which, add-
ed to the strong influence of our own example, would prob-
ably prevent that continual degeneracy of human nature,
so unjustly complained of in all ages.
"Add to this, the pleasure of seeing the various revolu-
tions of states and empires; the changes in the lower and
upper world; ancient cities in ruins, and obscure villages
become the seats of kings; famous rivers lessening into shal-
low brooks; the ocean leaving one coast dry, and over-
whelming another; the discovery of many countries yet un-
known; of barbarity overrunning the politest nations, and
the most barbarous become civilized. I should then see the
discovery of the longitude, the perpetual motion, the uni-
versal medicine, and many other great inventions, brought
to the utmost perfection.
'What wonderful discoveries should we make in astron-
omy, by outliving and confirming our own predictions; by
observing the progress and returns of comets, with the
changes of motion in the sun, moon and stars!''
I enlarged upon many other topics, which the natural de-
sire of endless life, and sublunary happiness, could easily
furnish me with. When I had ended, ,and the sum of my
discourse had been interpreted, as before, to the rest of the
company, there was a good deal of talk among them in the
language of the country, not without some laughter at my
expense. At last, the same gentleman who had been my
interpreter, said, "he was desired by the rest to set me right
in a few mistakes, which I had fallen into through the com-
mon imbecility of human nature, and upon that allowance
was less answerable for them. That this breed of struldbrugs
was peculiar to their country, for there wdre no such people
260 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
either in Balnibarbi or Japan, where he had the honor to
be ambassador from his majesty, and found the natives in
both those kingdoms very hard to beheve that the fact was
possible: and it appeared from my astonishment when he
first mentioned the matter to me, that I received it as a thing
wholly new, and scarcely to be credited. That in the two
kingdoms above mentioned, where during his residence he
had conversed very much, he observed long life to be the
universal desire and wish of mankind. That whoever had
one foot in the grave was sure to hold back the other as
strongly as he could. That the oldest had still hopes of
living one day longer, and looked on death as the greatest
evil, from which nature always prompted him to retreat.
Only in this island of Luggnagg the appetite for living was
not so eager, from the continual example of the struldbrugs
before their eyes.
'That the system of living contrived by me, was unrea-
sonable and unjust; because it supposed a perpetuity of
youth, health, and vigor, which no man could be so foolish
to hope, however extravagant he may be in his wishes.'^
That the question therefore w^as not, whether a man would
choose to be always in the prime of youth, attended with
prosperity and health; but how he would pass a perpetual
life under all the usual disadvantages which old age brings
along with it; for although few men will avow their desires
of being immortal, upon such hard conditions, yet in the two
kingdoms before mentioned, of Balnibarbi and Japan, he
observed that every man desired to put ofif death some time
longer, let it approach ever so late; and he rarely heard of
any man who died willingly, except he were incited by the
extremity of grief or torture. And he appealed to me,
whether in those countries I had traveled, as well as my own,
I had not observed the same general disposition.""!"
* To this it may possibly be objected, that the perpetuity of youtn,
health and vigor, would be less a prodigy than the perpetuity of life
in a body subject to gradual decay, and might therefore be hoped
without greater extravagance of folly; but the sentiment here ex-
pressed is that of a being to whom immortality, though not perpetual
youth, was familiar, and in whom the wish of perpetual youth only
would have been extravagant because that only appeared from facts
to be impossible.— Hawkesworth.
t If it be said that although the folly of desiring life to be prolonged
under the disadvantages of old age, is here finely exposed; yet the
desire of terrestrial immortality, upon terms on which alone in the
nature of things it is possible, an exemption from disease, accident
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 261
After this preface, he gave me a particular account of the
struldbrugs among them. He said ''they commonly acted
like mortals till about thirty years old; after which, by de-
grees, they grew melancholy and dejected, increasing in
both till they came to fourscore. This he learned from their
own confession; for otherwise, there not being above two
or three of that species born in an age, they were too few to
form a general observation by. When they came to four-
score years, which is reckoned the extremity of living in
this country, they had not only all the follies and infirmities
of other old men, but many more, which arose from the
dreadful prospect of never dying. They were not only opin-
ionative, peevish, covetous, morose, vain, talkative; but in-
capable of friendship, and dead to all natural affection, which
never descended below their grandchildren. Envy, and im-
potent desires, are their prevailing passions. But those
objects against which their envy seems principally directed,
are the vices of the younger sort, and the deaths of the old.
By reflecting on the former, they find themselves cut off
from all possibility of pleasure ; whenever they see a funeral
they lament and repine that others have gone to a harbor of
rest, to which they themselves never can hope to arrive.
They have no remembrance of anything but what they
learned and observed in their youth and middle age, and
even that is very imperfect; and for the truth or particulars
of any fact it is safer to depend on common tradition, than
upon the best recollections. The least miserable among
them appear to be those who turn to dotage, and entirely
lose their memories; these meet with more pity and assist-
ance, because they want many bad qualities which abound
in others.*
'Tf a struldbrug happen to marry one of his own kind,
and decay, is taciUy allowed; it may be answered, that as we grow
old by imperceptible degrees, so for the most part we grow old without
repining; and every man is ready to profess himself willmg to die,
when he shall be overtaken by the decrepitude of age in some future
period; yet when every other eye sees that this period is arrived, he
is still tenacious of life, and murmurs at the condition upon which
he received his existence. To reconcile old age therefore to the
thoughts of a dissolution, appears to be all that was necessary in a
moral writer for practical purposes.— Hawkesworth.
* In this melancholy picture. Swift shadows forth the presentiment
of his own helpless old age, by which he was continually haunted;
the effect of this description of the struldbrugs is very saddening, and
could only have been written by a person who anticipated a wretchea
old age.
262 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the marriage is dissolved of course, by the courtesy of the
kingdom as soon as the younger of the two comes to be
fourscore ; for the law thinks it a reasonable indulgence, that
those who are condemned without any fault of their own to
a perpetual continuance in the world, should not have their
misery doubled by the load of a wife.
"As soon as they have completed the term of eighty years
they are looked on as dead in law; their heirs immediately
succeed to their estates; only a small pittance is reserved
for their support; and the poor ones are maintained at the
public charge. After that period they are held incapable of
any employment of trust or profit; they cannot purchase
lands, or take leases; neither are they allowed to be witness-
es in any cause, either civil or criminal, not even for the de-
cision of meers and bounds.
''At ninety they lose their teeth and hair: they have at
that age no distinction of taste, but eat and drink whatever
they can get, without relish or appetite. The diseases they
were subject to still continue, without increasing or dimin-
ishing. In talking they forget the common appellation of
things and the names of persons, even those who are their
nearest friends and relations. For the same reason, they
never can amuse themselves with reading, because their
memory will not serve to carry them from the beginning of
a sentence to the end; and by this defect, they are deprived
of the only entertainment whereof they might otherwise be
capable.
"The language of this country being always upon the
flux, the struldbrugs of one age do not understand those of
another; neither are they able, after two hundred years, to
hold any conversation (farther than by a few general words)
with their neighbors the mortals; and thus they lie under
the disadvantage of living like foreigners in their own coun-
try."
This was the account given me of the struldbrugs as near
as I can remember. I afterwards saw five or six of different
ages, the youngest not above two hundred years old, who
were brought to me at several times by my friends; but
although they were told "that I was a traveler and had seen
all the world," they had not the least curiosity to ask me a
question; only desired "I would give them slumskudask,
or a token of remembrance," which is a modest wav of beg-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 263
ging, to avoid the law, that strictly forbids it, because they
are provided for by the public, although indeed with a very
scanty allowance.
They are despised and hated by all sorts of people. When
one of them is born it is reckoned ominous, and their birth
is recorded veiy particularly; so that you may know their
age by consulting the register, which, however, has not
been kept above a thousand years past, or at least has been
destroyed by time or public disturbances. But the usual
way of computing how old they are, is by asking them what
kings or great person they can remember, and then con-
sulting history; for infallibly the last prince in their mind
did not begin his reign after they were fourscore years
old.
They were the most mortifying sights I ever beheld; and
the women were more horrible than the men. Besides the
usual deformities in extreme old age, they acquired an addi-
tional ghastliness, in proportion to their number of years,
which is not to be described; and among half a dozen, I
soon distinguished which was the eldest, although there was
not above a century or two between them.
The reader will easily believe, that from what I had heard
and seen, my keen appetite for perpetuity of life was much
abated. I grew heartily ashamed of the pleasing visions I
had formed; and thought no tyrant could invent a death,
into which I would not run with pleasure from such a life.
The king heard of all that had passed between me and
my friends upon this occasion, and rallied me very pleas-
antly; wishing I could send a couple of struldbrugs to my
own country, to arm our people against the fear of death;*
but this, it seems, is forbidden by the fundamental laws of
the kingdom, or else I should have been well content with
the trouble and expense of transporting them.
I could not but agree, that the laws of this kingdom rela-
tive to the struldbrugs were founded upon the strongest
reasons, and such as any other country would be under the
necessity of enacting, in the like circumstances. Otherwise,
as avarice is the necessary consequent of old age, those im-
* Perhaps it may not be wholly useless to remark that the sight of
a struldbrug- v/ould not otherwise arm those against the fear of
death, who have no hope beyond it, than a man Is armed against the
fear of breaking his limbs, v/ho jumps out of a window when his nouso
is on fire.— Hawkesworth.
264 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
mortals would in time become proprietors of the whole na-
tion and engross the civil power, which, for want of abili-
ties to manage, must end in the ruin of the public.
CHAPTER XL
THE AUTHOR LEAVES LUGGNAGG AND SAILS TO JAPAN—
FROM THENCE HE RETURNS IN A DUTCH SHIP TO AM-
STERDAM, AND FROM AMSTERDAM TO ENGLAND.
Judging this account of the struldbrugs might be some
entertainment to the reader, because it seems to be a little
out of the common way; at least I do not remember to have
met the like in any book of travels that has come to my
hands; and if I am deceived my excuse must be, that it is
necessary for travelers who describe the same country-, very
often to agree in dwelling on the same particulars, without
deserving the censure of having borrowed from those who
wrote before them.
There is indeed a perpetual commerce between this king-
dom and the great empire of Japan; and it is very probable,
that the Japanese authors may have given some account of
the struldbrugs; but my stay in Japan was so short, and I
was so entirely a stranger to the language, that I was not
qualified to make any inquiries. But I hope the Dutch,
upon this notice, will be curious and able enough to supply
my defects.
His majesty having often pressed me to accept some em-
ployment in his court, and finding me absolutely deter-
mined to return to my native country, was pleased to give
me license to depart; and honored me with a letter of rec-
ommendation under his own hand, to the Emperor of Japan.
He likewise presented me four hundred and forty-four large
pieces of gold (this nation delighted in even numbers), and
a red diamond, which I sold in England for eleven hundred
pounds.
On the sixth of May, 1709, I took a -solemn leave of his
majesty and all my friends. The prince was so gracious
as to order a guard to conduct me to Glanguenstald, which
is a royal port to the southwest part of the island. In six
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 265
da.ys I found a vessel ready to carry me to' Japan; and spent
fifteen days in the voyage. We landed at a small port-town
called Xamoschi, situated on the southwest part of Japan;
the town lies on the western point, where there is a narrow
strait leading northward into a long arm of the sea, upon
the northwest part of which Yedo, the metropolis, stands.
At landing I showed the custom-house officers my letter
from the king of Luggnagg to his imperial majesty. They
knew the seal perfectly well; it was as broad as the palm of
my hand. The impression was, ''A king lifting up a lame
beggar from the earth." The magistrates of the town, hear-
ing of my letter, received me as a public minister; they pro-
vided me with carriages and servants, and bore my charges
to Yedo, where I v/as admitted to an audience, and de-
livered my letter, which was opened with great ceremony,
and explained to the emperor by an interpreter; who then
gave me notice, by his majesty's order, ''that I should sig-
nify my request, and whatever it were, it should be granted
for the sake of his royal brother of Luggnagg." This inter-
preter was a person employed to transact afifairs with the
Hollanders; he soon conjectured by my countenance, that
I was an European, and therefore repeated his majesty's
commands in Low Dutch, which he spoke perfectly well.
1 answered, as I had before determined, "that I was a Dutch
merchant, shipwrecked in a remote country, whence I had
traveled by sea and land to Luggnagg, and then took ship-
ping for Japan ; where I knew my countrymen often traded,
and with some of these I hoped to get an opportunity of
returning into Europe: I therefore most humbly entreated
his royal favor, to give order that I should be conducted in
safety to Nangasac." To this I added another petition,
"that for the sake of my patron, the king of Luggnagg, his
majesty would condescend to excuse my performing the
ceremony imposed on my countrymen, of trampling upon
the crucifix; because I had been thrown into his kingdom
by my misfortunes, without any intention of trading."
When the latter petition was interpreted to the emperor, he
seemed a little surprised; and said, "he beheved I was the
first of my countrymen who ever made any scruple in this
point; and that he began to doubt whether I was a real
Hollander, or not; but rather suspected that I must be a
Christian. However, for the reasons I had offered, but
266 GUI.LIVER'S TRAVELS.
chiefly to gratify the king of Luggnagg by an uncommon
mark of his favor, he would comply with the singularity of
my humor; but the afTair must be managed with dexterity,
and his of^cers should be commanded to let me pass, as it
were by forgetfulness, for he assured me, that if the secret
should be discovered by my countrymen, the Dutch, they
would cut my throat on the voyage." I returned my thanks,
by the interpreter, for so unusual a favor; and some troops
being at that time on the march to Nangasac, the command-
ing officers had orders to convey me safe thither, with par-
ticular instructions about the business of the cinicifix.
On the 9th of June, 1709, I arrived at Nangasac, after a
very long and troublesome journey. I soon fell into the
company of some Dutch sailors belonging to the Amboyna,
of Amsterdam, a stout ship of 450 tons. I had lived long in
Holland pursuing my studies at Leyden, and I spoke Dutch
well. The seamen soon knew whence I came last; they
were curious to inquire into my voyages and course of life.
I made up a story as short and probable as I could, but
concealed the greatest part. I knew many persons in Hol-
land; I was able to invent names for my parents, whom I
pretended to be obscure people in the province of Guelder-
land. I would have given the captain (one Theodorus Van-
grult) what he pleased to ask for my voyage to Holland;
but understanding I was a surgeon, he was contented to
take half the usual rate, on condition that I would serve him
in the way of my calling. Before we took shipping, I was
often asked by some of the crew, "whether I had performed
the ceremony above mentioned?" I evaded the questions
by general answers; "that I had satisfied the emperor and
court in all particulars." However, a malicious rogue of a
skipper went to an officer, and pointing to me, told him, "I
had not yet trampled on the crucifix;" but the other, who
had received instructions to let me pass, gave the rascal
twenty strokes on the shoulders with a bamboo ; after which
I was no more troubled with such questions.
Nothing happened worth mentioning in this voyage. We
sailed with a fair wind to the Cape of Good Hope, where
we stayed only to take in fresh water. On the loth of April,
1710, we arrived safe at Amsterdam, having lost only three
men by sickness on the voyage, and a fourth, who fell from
tb? foremast into the sea, not far from the coast of Guinea,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 267
From Amsterdam I soon after set sail for England, in a
small vessel belonging to that city.
On the i6th of April we put in at the Downs. I landed
next morning, and saw once more my native country, after
an absence of five years and six months complete. I went
straight to Redrifif, where I arrived the same day at two in
the afternoon, and found my wife and family in good health.
APPENDIX TO LAPUTA.
BALI^AD.
ON THE SOUTH SEA SCHEME.
BY DEAN SWIFT.
This ballad was written to expose the mania for stock-jobbing and
speculation which prevailed in 1720, and elucidates some of the schemes
satirized in the description of the Academy of Lagado.
Ye wise philosophers, explain,
What magic makes our money rise,
When dropp'd into the Southern main;
Or do these jugglers cheat our eyes?
Put in your money, fairly told,
Presto! begone! — 'tis here again:
Ladies and gentlemen, behold, —
Here's every piece as big as ten!
Thus, in a basin drop a shilling,
Then fill the vessel to the brim.
You shall observe, as you are filling.
The ponderous metal seems to swim.
It rises both in bulk and height,
Behold it swelling like a sop;
The liquid medicine cheats your sight,— .
Behold it mounted to the top.
"In stock three hundred thousand pounds,
I have in view a lord's estate;
My manors all contiguous round,
A coach and six, and served in plate!"
Thus the deluded bankrupt raves,
Puts all upon a desperate bet.
Then plunges in the southern waves,
Dipped over head and ears— in debt.
270 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS,
So, by a calenture misled.
The mariner with rapture sees
On the smooth ocean's azure bed,
Enamelled fields and verdant trees.
With eager haste he longs to rove
In that fantastic scene, and thinks
It must be some enchanted grove,
And in he leaps, and down he sinks.
Five hundred chariots, just besroke,
Are sunk in these devouring waves, —
The horses drown'd, the harness broke,
And here the owners find their graves.
Like Pharaoh, by directors led;
They with their spoils went safe before.
His chariots tumbling out the dead,
Lay shatter'd on the Red Sea shore.
Raised up on Hope's aspiring plumes,
The young adventurer o'er the deep.
An eagles fiight and state assumes.
And scorns the middle-way to keep.
On paper wings he takes his flight.
With wax the father bound them fast;
The wax is melted by the height,
And down the towering boy is cast.
A moralist might here explain
The rashness of the Cretan youth,—
Describe his fall into the main,
And from a fable form a truth.
His wings are his paternal rent,
He melts the wax at every flame;
His credit sunk, his money spent.
In Southern Seas he leave® his name.
Inform us, you that best can tell.
Why in yon dangerous gulf profound.
Where hundreds and where thousands fell
Fools chiefly float, the wise are drown'd?
So have I seen, from Severn's brink,
A flock of geese jump down together.
Swim where the birds of Jove would sink,
And swimming, never wet a feather.
But I affirm tis false, in fact.
Directors better know their tools;
We see the nation's credit cracked.
Each knave has made a thousand fools.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 271
One fool may from another win,
And then get off with money stored.
But if a sharper once comes in,
He throws at all, and sweeps the board.
As fishes on each other prey.
The great ones swallowing up the small;
So fares it in the Southern Sea,
The whale directors eat up all.
When stock is high, they come between,
Making by secondhand their offers.
Then cunningly retire unseen.
With each a million in his coffers.
So when upon a moonshine night.
An ass was drinking at a stream,
A cloud arose and stopped the light,
By intercepting every beam.
The day of judgment will be soon,
Cries out a sage among the crowd,
An ass has swallowed up the moon —
The moon lay safe behind a cloud.
Each poor subscriber to the sea,
Sinks down at once, and there he lies;
Directors fall as well as they.
Their fall is but a trick to rise.
So fishes rising from the main,
Can soar with moistened wings on high;
The moisture dried, they sink again,
And dip their fins again to fly.
Undone at play, the female troops
Come here their losses to retrieve;
Ride o'er the waves in spacious hoops.
Like Lapland witches in a sieve.
Thus Venus to the sea descends,
As poets feign; but where's the moral?
It shows the queen of love intends
To search the sea for pearl and coral.
The sea is richer than the land,
I heard it from my grannam's mouth;
Which now I clearly understand,
For by the sea she meant the south.
Thus, by directors, we are told,
"Pray, gentlemen, believe your eyes;
Our ocean's covered o'er with gold.
Look round and see how thick it lies.
272 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
"We, gentlemen, are your assisters.
We'll come and hold you by the chin.**
Alas! all is not gold that glisters,
Ten thousands sink by leaping in.
Oh! would those patriots be so kind.
Here in the deep to wash their hands,
Then like Pactolus, we should find.
The sea indeed had golden sands.
A shilling in the bath you fling.
The silver takes a nobler hue,
By magic virtue in the spring,
And seems a guinea to your view.
But as a guinea will not pass.
At market for a farthing more.
Shown through a multiplying-glass,
Than what it always did before:
So cast it in the Southern seas.
Or view it through a jobber's bill;—
Put on what spectacles you please.
Tour guinea's but a guinea still.
One night a fool into a brook,
Thus from a hillock looking down,
The golden stars for guineas took.
And silver Cynthia for a crown.
The point he could no longer doubt;
He ran, he leaped into the flood;
There sprawl'd awhile, and scarce got out.
All cover'd o'er with slime and mud.
"Upon the water cast thy bread.
And after many days thou'lt find it;"
But gold upon this ocean spread.
Shall sink, and leave no mark behind it.
There is a gulf where thousands fell.
Here all the bold adventurers came,
A narrow sound, though deep as hell;—
Change Alley is the dreadful name.
Nine times a day it ebbs and flows.
Yet he that on the surface lies,
Without a pilot seldom knows
The time it falls or when 'twill rise.
Subscribers here by thousands float,
And jostle one another down;
Each paddling in his leaky boat,
And there they fish for gold, and drown.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 273
Now buried in the depths below,
Now mounted up to heaven again,
They reel and stagger to and fro.
At their wits' end, like drunken men.
Meantime, secure on Garraway cliffs,
A savage race, by shipwrecks fed,
Lie waiting for the founder'd skiffs,
And strip the bodies of the dead.
But these, you say, are fictions lies.
From some malicious Tory's brain;
For where directors get a prize,
The Swiss and Dutch whole millions drain.
Thus, when by rooks a lord is plied,
Some cully often wins a bet,
By venturing on the cheating side.
Though not into the secret let.
While some build castles in the air.
Directors build them in the seas;
Subscribers plainly see them there,—
For fools will see as wise men please.
Thus oft by mariners are shown —
Unless the men of Kent are liars —
Earl Godwin's castles overthrown,
And palace roofs and steeple spires.
Mark where the sly directors creep.
Nor to the shore approach too nigh!
The monsters nestle in the deep,
To seize you in your passing by.
Then like the dogs of Nile be wise,
Who taught by instinct how to shun
The crocodile, that lurking lies.
Run as they drink, and drinking run.
Antaeus could, by magic charms.
Recover strength whene'er he fell;
Alcides held him in his arms.
And sent him up in air to hell.
Directors thrown into the sea.
Recover strength and vigor there;
But may be tamed another way.
Suspended for a while in air!
Directors! for 'tis you I warn,
By long experience we have found
What planet ruled when you were born;
We see you never can be drown'd.
18
274 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Beware, nor over-bulky grow,
Nor come within your cully's reach;
For if the sea should sink so low,
To leave you dry upon the beach,
You'll owe your ruin to your bulk;
Your foes already waiting stand.
To tear you like a foundered hulk
While you lie helpless on the strand.
Thus, when a whale has lost the tide,
The coasters crowd to seize the spoil;
The monster into parts divide,
And strip the bones, and melt the oil.
O! may some western tempest sweep
These locusts whom our fruits have fed,
That plague, directors, to the deep,
Driven from the South Sea to the Red.
May He, whom Nature's laws obey,
Who lifts the poor and sinks the proud.
Quiet the raging of the sea.
And still the madness of the crowd!
But never shall our isle have rest
Till those devouring swine run down.
The devils leaving the possessed,—
And headlong in the waters drown.
The Nation then, too late, will find.
Computing all their cost and trouble,
Directors' promises but wind.
South Sea at best a mighty bubble.
The second ballad, to which aliusion is made on page 229, is by an
unknown author; it produced a great effect in its time, and possesses
too much merit to be allowed to sink into oblivion. It is copied from
a broadside in a private collection.
A SOUTH SEA BALLAD;
OR,
MERRY REMARKS UPON EXCHANGE ALLEY BUBBLES.
TO A NEW TUNE, CALLED "THE GRAND ELIXIR; OR, THE
PHILOSOPHER'S STONE DISCOVERED."
I.
In London stands a famous pile.
And near that pile an Alley,
Where many crowds for riches toil.
And wisdom stoops to folly.
Here sad and joyful, high and low.
Court Fortune for her graces.
And as she smiles or frowns, they show
Their gestures and grimaces.
II.
Here stars and garters do appear.
Among our lords the rabble;
To buy and sell, to see and hear,
The Jews and Gentiles squabble.
Here crafty courtiers are too v/ise
For those who trust to Fortune;
They see the cheat with clearer eyes.
Who peep behind the curtain.
III.
Our greatest ladies hither come,
And ply in chariots daily;
Oft pawn their jewels for a sum
To venture in the Alley.
Young harlots, too, from Drury Lane,
Approach the 'Change in coaches,
To fool away the gold they gain
By their obscene debauches.
276 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
IV.
Long heads may thrive by sober rules.
Because they think, and drink not,
But head-longs are our thriving fools,
Who only drink and think not,
The lucky rogues, like spaniel dogs.
Leap into South Sea water,
And there they fish for golden frogs.
Not caring what comes arter.
V.
'Tis said, that alchemists of old
Could turn a brazen kettle.
Or leaden cistern, into gold,
That noble, tempting metal; —
But if it here may be allowed
To bring in great and small things.
Our cunning South Sea, like a god.
Turns nothing into all things.
VI.
What need have we of Indian wealth,
Or commerce with our neighbors?
Our constitution is in health,
And riches crown our labors.
Our South Sea ships have golden shrouds.
They bring us wealth, 'tis granted;
But lodge their treasure in the clouds.
To hide it, till 'tis wanted.
VIL
O Britain! bless thy present state.
Thou only happy nation,
So oddly rich, so madly great.
Since bubbles came in fashion.
Successful rakes exert their pride,
And count their airy millions,
While homely drabs in coaches ride,
Brought up to town on pillions.
VIII.
Few men who follow reason's rules
Grow fat with South Sea diet;
Young rattles and unthinking fools
Are those who flourish by it;
Old musty jades and pushing blades.
Who've least consideration,
Grow rich apace; while wiser head«
Are struck with admiration.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 277
IX.
A race of men, who, t'other day,
Lay crush'd beneath disasters,
Are now by stock brought into play.
And made our lords and masters.
But should our South Sea Babel fall,
What numbers should be frowning!
The losers then must ease their gall
By hanging or by drowning.
X.
Five hundred millions notes and bonds.
Our stocks are worth in value;
But neither lie in goods, or lands.
Or money, let me tell you.
Yet though our foreign trade is lost,
Of mighty wealth we vapor;
When all the riches that we boast
Consist in scraps of paper.
Tiie following- humorous attack on the Report of the Secret Committee
in Atterbury's case has been referred to more than once in the pre-
ceding pages; it completes the satire directed against the Report m
the description of the academy of Lagado, page 231.
UPON THE HORRID PLOT
DISCOVERED BY HARLEQUIN, THE BISHOP OP ROCHES-
TER'S FRENCH DOG.
IN A DIALOGUE BETWEEN A WHIG AND A TORY.
I ask'd a Whig the other night
How came the wicked plot to light?
He answered that a dog, of late,
Inform'd a minister of state.
Said I, from that I nothing know,
For are not all informers so?
A villain who his friend betrays,
We style him by no other phrase;
And so a perjured dog denotes
Porter, and Prendergast, and Oates,
And forty others I could name.
Whig.— But, sir, they say the dog was lame?
Tory.— A weighty argument indeed:
Your evidence was lame; — proceed,
Come, help your lame dog o'er the style.
Whig.— Sir, you mistake me all the while, —
I mean a dog without a joke,
Can howl, and bark, but never spoke.
Tory.— I'm still to seek which dog you mean,
Whether cur Plunkett, or whelp Skean.*
An English or an Irish hound,
* Plunkett and Skean, or Skinner, were two of the principal wit-
nesses before the Privy Council.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 279
Or t'other puppy that was drown'd!*
Or Mason, that abandon'd bitch ;t
Then pray be free, and tell me which:
For every stander-by was marking:
That all the noise they made was barking.
You pay them well; the dogs have got
Their dogs' heads in the porridge pot:
And 'twas but just, for wise men say
That every dog must have his day.
Dog Walpole laid a quart of nog on't.
He'd either make a hog or dog on't,
And look'd, since he has got his wish.
As if he had thrown down a dish;
Yet thus I dare foretell you from it.
He'll soon return to his own vomit.
Whig. — Besides this horrid plot was found
By Neynoe after he was drown'd.
Tory.— Why, then the proverb is not right
Since you can teach dead dogs to bite.
Whig.— I proved my proposition full.
But Jacobites are strangely dull.
Now let me tell you plainly, sir.
Our witness is a real cur;
A dog of spirit for his years,—
Has twice two legs, two hanging ears;
His name is Harlequin I wot,
And that's a name in every plot;
Resolved to save the British nation,
Though French by birth and education;
His correspondence, plainly dated.
Was all deciphered and translated;
His answers were exceeding pretty.
Before the secret wise Committee;
Confess'd as plain as he could bark,
Then with his forefoot set his mark.
Tory.— Then all this while I have been bubbled
I thought it was a dog in doublet;
The matter that no longer sticks.
For statesmen never want dog-tricks;
But since it was a real cur,
And not a dog in metaphor,
I give you joy of the report
That he's to have a place at court.
Whig.— Yes, and a place he v/ill get rich in,—
A turnspit in the royal kitchen.
Sir, to be plain, I tell you what,
W© had occasion for the plot:
And when we found the dog begin it.
We guess'd the bishop's foot was in it.
* Neynoe, whose evidence pressed very hard on the Bishop was
drowned in attempting his escape. His examinations before the Privy
Council were received as evidence before the Lords on the Bill of
Attainder.
t Mrs. Mason's evidence W9^s of far less importance than Swift Uiti-
insttes.
280 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Tory. — I own it was a dangerous project.
But you have proved it by dog--logic.
Sure such intellig-ence between
A dog and bishop ne'er were seen;
Till you began to change the breed.
Your bishops all are dogs indeed.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 281
A VOYAGE TO
THE COUNTRY OF THE HOUYHNHNMS.
CHAPTER I.
THE AUTHOR SETS OUT AS CAPTAIN OF A SHIP— HIS MEN
CONSPIRE AGAINST HIM, CONFINE HIM A LONG TIME TO
HIS CABIN, AND SET HIM ON SHORE IN AN UNKNOWN
LAND — HE TRAVELS UP INTO THE COUNTRY — THE YA-
HOOS, A STRANGE SORT OP ANIMAL, DESCRIBED — THE
AUTHOR MEETS TWO HOUYHNHNMS.
Justly as I may be blamed for a rambling disposition, I
must confess that my love of adventure was not extin-
guished by the dangers recited in the preceding parts of my
travels. I continued at home with my wife and children,
about five months, in a very happy condition, if I could have
learned the lesson of knowing when I was well. I left my
poor wife big with child, and accepted an advantageous of-
fer made me to be captain of the Adventure, a stout mer-
chantman of 350 tons: for I understood navigation well,
and being grown weary of a surgeon's employment at sea,
which, however, I could exercise upon occasion, I took a
skillful young man of that calling, one Robert Purefoy, into
my ship. We set sail from Portsmouth, upon the 7th day
of September, 1710; on the 14th, we met with Captain Po-
cock, of Bristol, at Tenerifife, who was going to the bay of
Campeachy to cut logwood. On the i6th, he was parted
from us by storm: I heard since my return, that his ship
foundered, and none escaped but one cabin-boy. He was
an honest man, and a good sailor, but a little too positive
in his own opinions; which was the cause of his destruction,
as it has been of several others: for if he had followed my
advice, he might have safe been at home with his family at
this time as well as myself.
I had several men die in my ship of calentures, so that I
282 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
was forced to get recruits out of Barbardoes and the Lee-
ward Islands, where I touched, by the direction of the mer-
chants who employed me; which I had soon too much
cause to repent; for I found afterwards, that most of them
had been buccaneers.* I had fifty hands on board, and my
orders were, that I should trade with the Indians in the
South Sea, and make what discoveries I could. These
rogues, whom I had picked up, debauched my other men,
and they all formed a conspiracy to seize the ship, and se-
cure me; which they did one morning, rushing into my
cabin, and binding me hand and foot, threatening to throw
me overboard if I offered to stir. I told them, 'T was their
prisoner and would submit." This they made me swear to,
and then they unbound me, only fastening one of my legs
with a chain, near my bed, and placed a sentry at my door
with his piece charged, who was commanded to shoot me
dead, if I attempted my liberty. They sent me down vic-
tuals and drink, and took the government of the ship to
themselves. Their design was to turn pirates, and plunder
the Spaniards, which they could not do till they got more
men. But first they resolved to sell the goods in the ship,
and then go to Madagascar for recruits, several among
them having died since my confinement. They sailed many
weeks, and traded with the Indians; but I knew not what
course they took, being kept a close prisoner in my cabin,
and expecting nothing less than to be murdered, as they
often threatened me.
Upon the 9th of May, 171 1, one James Welch came down
to my cabin, and said, ''he had orders from the captain to
set me ashore." I expostulated with him, but in vain ; neith-
er would he so much as tell me who their new captain was.
They forced me into the long-boat, letting me put on my
best suit of clothes, which were as good as new, and take a
small bundle of linen, but no arms, except my hanger; and
they were so civil as not to search my pockets, into which
I conveyed what money I had with some other little neces-
saries. They rowed about a league, and then set me down
on a strand. I desired them to tell me what country it was.
They all swore, ''they knew no more than myself;" but said,
*'that the captain (as they called him) was resolved, after
* Certain pirates, that infested the West Indies, were so oallf^d,— '
Hawkesworth,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 283
they had sold the lading, to get rid of me in the first place
where they could discover land." They pushed off imme-
diately, advising me to make haste for fear of being over-
taken by the tide, and so bade me farewell.
In this desolate condition I advanced forward, and soon
got upon firm ground, where I sat down on a bank to rest
myself, and consider what I had best do. When I was a lit-
tle refreshed, I went up into the country, resolving to de-
liver myself to the first savages I should meet, and purchase
my life from them by some bracelets, glass rings, and other
toys, which sailors usually provide themselves with in those
voyages, and whereof I had some about me. The land was
divided by long rows of trees, not regularly planted, but
naturally growing; there was great plenty of grass, and
several fields of oats. I walked very circumspectly, for fear
of being surprised, or suddenly shot with an arrow from be-
hind, or on either side.^J fell into a beaten road, where I
saw many tracks o^^^man fee!^nd some of cows, but most
of horses. At last ilJtiTCM^veral animals in a field, and
one or two of the same kind sitting in trees. Their shape
was very singular and deformed, which a little discomposed
me, so that I lay down behind a thicket to observe them
better. Some of them coming forward near the place where
T lay, gave me an opportunity of distinctly marking their
form. Their heads and breasts were covered with a thick
hair, some frizzled, and others lank; they had breasts like
goats, and a long ridge of hair down their backs, and the
foreparts of their legs and feet; but the rest of their bodies
was bare, so that I might see their skins, which were of a
brown bufif color. They had no tails, nor any hair at all on
their buttocks, except about the anus; which I presume,
nature had placed there to defend them, as they sat on the
ground; for this posture they used, as well as lying down,
and often stood on their hind feet. They climbed high trees
as nimbly as a squirrel, for they had strong extended claws
before and behind, terminating in sharp points, and hooked.
They would often spring, and bound, and leap, with pro-
digious agility. The females were not so large as the males;
they had long lank hair on their head, but none on their
faces, nor anything more than a sort of down on the rest of
their bodies, except about the anus and pudenda. The dugs
hung between their fore-feet, and often reached almost to
284 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the ground as they walked. The hair of both sexes was of
several colors, brown, red, black, and yellow. Upon the
whole, I never beheld, in all my travels, so^^disagTeeable_an
animal, or one against which I naturally conceived so great
aiTantipathy ; so that thinking I had seen enough, full of
contempt and aversion, I got up, and pursued the beaten
road, hoping it might direct me to the cabin of some Indian.
I had not gone far when I met one of those creatures full in
my way, and coming up directly to me. The ugly monster,
when he saw me, distorted several ways every feature of his
visage, and stared, as at an object he had never seen before;
then approaching nearer, lifted up his forepaw, whether out
of curiosity or mischief I could not tell; but I drew my
hanger, and gave him a good blow with the flat side of it,
for I durst not strike him with the edge, fearing the inhabi-
ants might be provoked against me, if they should come to
know that I had killed or maimed any of their cattle. VV^hen
the beast felt the smart, he drew back, and roared so loud,
that a herd of at least forty came flocking about me from the
next field, howling and making odious faces; but I ran to
the body of a tree, and leaning my back against it, kept
them oft by waving my hanger. Several of this cursed
brood, getting hold of the branches behind, leaped up into
the tree, whence they began to discharge their excrements
upon my head; however, I escaped pretty well by sticking
close to the stem of the tree, but was almost stifled with
the filth, which fell about me on every side.
In the midst of this distress, I observed all to run away on
a sudden as fast as they could ; at which I ventured to leave
the tree and pursue the road, wondering what it was that
could put them into this fright. But looking on my left
hand I saw a horse walking softly in the field; which my
persecutors, having sooner discovered, was the cause of
their flight. The horse started a little, when he came near
me, but soon recovering himself, looked full in my face with
manifest tokens of wonder. He viewed my hands and feet,
walking round me several times. I would have pursued
my journey, but he placed himself directly in the way, yet
looking with a very mild aspect, never oiYering the least
violence. We stood gazing at each other for some time;
at last I took the boldness to reach my hand towards his
neck with a design to stroke it, using the common style and
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 285
v/histle of jockeys, when they are going to handle a strange
horse. But this animal seemed to receive my civilities with
disdain, shook his head, and bent his brows, softly raising
up his right forefoot to remove my hand. Then he neighed
three or four times, but in so different a cadence, that I
almost began to think he was speaking to himself, in some
lafiguage of his own.
While he and I were thus employed, another horse came
up; who applying himself first in a very formal manner,
they gently struck each other's right hoof before, neighing
several times by turns, and varying the sound, which
seemed to be almost articulate. They went some paces ofif,
as if it were to confer together, walking side by side, back-
ward and forward, like persons deliberating upon some af-
fair of weight, but often turning their eyes toward me, as it
were to watch that I might not escape. I was amazed to
see such actions and behavior in brute beasts; and con-
cluded with myself, that if the inhabitants of this country
were endued with a proportionable degree of reason, they
must needs be the wisest people upon earth. This thought
gave me so much comfort, that I resolved to go forward,
until I could discover some house or village, or meet with
any of the natives, leaving the two horses to discourse to-
gether as they pleased. But the first, who was a dapple
gray, observing me steal of¥, neighed after me in so expres-
sive a tone, that I fancied myself to understand what he
meant; whereupon I turned back, and came near to him,
to expect his farther commands, but concealing my fear as
much as I could; for I began to be in some pain how this
adventure might terminate; and the reader will easily be-
lieve I did not much like my present situation.
The two horses came up close to me, looking with great
earnestness upon my face and hands. The gray steed
rubbed my hat all round with his right fore hoof, and dis-
composed it so much that I was forced to adjust it better by
taking it ofif, and settling it again ; whereat both he and his
companion (who was a brown bay) appeared to be much
surprised; the latter felt the lappet of my coat, and finding
it to hang loose about me, they both looked with new signs
of wonder. He stroked my hight hand, seeming to admire
the softness and color; but he squeezed it so hard between
his hoof and his pastern, that I was forced to roar; after
286 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
which they both touched me with all possible tenderness.
They were under great perplexity about my shoes and
stockings, which they felt very often, neighing to each
other, and using various gestures, not unlike those of a
philosopher, when he would attempt toTsoIve smne new and
difificult phenomenon.
Upon the whole, the behavior of these animals was so
orderly and rational, so acute and judicious, that I at last
concluded they must needs be magicians, who had thus
metamorphosed themselves upon some design, and seeing
a stranger in the way, resolved to divert themselves with
him; or, perhaps were really amazed at the sight of a man
so very different in habit, feature, and complexion, from
those who might probably live in so remote a cHmate.
Upon the strength of this reasoning, I ventured to address
them in the following manner: "Gentlemen, if you be con-
jurors, as I have good cause to believe, you can understand
any language; therefore I make bold to let your worships
know that I am a poor distressed Englishman, driven by
his misfortunes upon your coast ; and I entreat one of you
to let me ride upon his back, as if he were a real horse, to
some house or village where I can be relieved. In return
of which favor, I will make you a present of this knife and
bracelet;" taking them out of my pocket. The two crea-
tures stood silent while I spoke, seeming to listen with
great attention; and when I had ended, they neighed fre-
quently toward each other, as if they were engaged in seri-
ous conversation. I plainly observed that their language
expressed the passions very well, and the words might,
with little pains, be resolved into an alphabet more easily
than the Chinese.
I could frequently distinguish the word Yahoo, which
was repeated by each of them several times ; and although
it was impossible for me to conjecture what it meant, yet,
while the two horses were busy in conversation, I en-
deavored to practice this word upon my tongue; and as
soon as they were silent, boldly pronounced Yahoo, in a
loud voice, imitating at the same time, as near as I could,
the neighing of a horse; at which they were both visibly
surprised and the gray horse repeated the same word twice,
as if he meant to teach the right accent; wherein I spoke
after him as well as I could, and found myself perceivably
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 28?
to improve every time, though very far from any degree of
perfection. Then the bay tried me with a second word^
much harder to be pronounced; but reducing it to the
Enghsh orthography may be spelt thus — Houyhnhnm. I
did not succeed in this so well as in the former; but after
two or three farther trials, I had better fortune, and they
both appeared amazed at my capacity.
After some further discourse, which I then conjectured
might relate to me, the two friends took their leaves with
the same compliment of striking each other's hoof, and the
gray made me signs that I should walk before him: where-
in I thought it prudent to comply, till I could find a better
director. When I offered to slacken my pace, he would cry
hhuun, hhuun. I guessed his meaning and gave him to
understand, as well as I could, "that I was weary, and not
able to walk faster;" upon which he would stand awhile to
let me rest.
CHAPTER II.
THE AUTHOR CONDUCTED BY A HOUYHNHNM TO HIS HOUSE
—THE HOUSE DESCRIBED— THE AUTHOR'S RECEPTION—
THE FOOD OF THE HOUYHNHNMS— THE AUTHOR IN DIS-
TRESS FOR WANT OF MEAT— IS AT LAST RELIEVED- HIS
MANNER OF FEEDING IN THIS COUNTRY.
After having traveled about three miles, we came to a
long kind of a building, made of timber stuck in the ground,
and wattled across; the roof was low, and covered with
straw. I now began to be a little comforted: and took out
some toys, which travelers usually carry for presents to the
savage Indians of America, and other parts, in hopes the
people of the house would be thereby encouraged to receive
me kindly. The horse made me a sign to go in first ; it was
a large room with a clay floor, and a rack and manger, ex-
tending the whole length on one side. There were three
nags and two mares, not eating, but seme of them sitting
down upon their hams, which I very much wondered at;
•but wondered more to see the rest employed in domestic
business; these seemed but ordinary cattle; however, this
confirmed my first opinion, that a people who could, so far
ids excel i]
civilize brt^^^e animals, must needs excel in wisdom aU-the
288 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ijations of the^worln. Tfie grey came in just after, and
tHereBy prevented any ill-treatment which the others might
have given me. He neighed to them several times in a
style of authority, and received answers.
Beyond this room there were three others, reaching the
length of the house, to which you passed through three
doors, opposite to each other, in the manner of a vista; we
went through the second room towards the third. Here
the grey walked in first, beckoning me to attend; I waited
in the second room, and got ready my presents for the mas-
ter and mistress of the house: they were two knives, three
bracelets of false pearls, a small looking-glass, and a bead
necklace. The horse neighed three or four times, and I
waited to hear some answ^ers in a human voice, but I heard
no other returns than in the same dialect, only one or two
a little shriller than his. I began to think that this house
must belong to some person of great note among them,
because there appeared so much ceremony before I could
gain admittance. But, that a m.an of quality should be
served all by horses was beyond my comprehension. I
feared my brain was disturbed by my sufferings and mis-
fortunes: I roused myself, and looked about me in the
room where I was left alone; this was furnished like the
first, only after a more elegant manner. I rubbed my eyes
often, but the same objects still occurred. I pinched my
arms and sides to awake myself, hoping I might be in a
dream. I then absolutely concluded that all these appear-
ances could be nothing else but necromancy and ma^ic.
But I had no time to pursue these reflections, for the grey
horse came to the door, and made me a sign to follow him
into the third room, where I saw a very comely mare, to-
gether with a colt and foal, sitting on their haunches upon
mats of straw, not unartfully made and perfectly neat and
clean.
The mare soon after my entrance rose from her mat, and
coming up close, after having nicely observed my hands
and face, gave me a most contemptuous look, and turning
to the horse, I heard the word Yahoo often repeated be-
twixt them; the meaning of which I could not then com-
prehend; although it was the first I had learned to pro-
nounce ; but I was soon better informed, to my everlasting
mortification; for the horse beckoning to me with his head,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 289
and repeating the hhuun, hhuun, as he did upon the road,
which I understood was to attend him, led me out into a
kind of court, where was another building, at some distance
from the house. Here we entered, and I saw three of those
detestable creatures, which I first met after my landing,
feeding upon roots, and the flesh of some animals, which I
afterwards found to be that of asses and dogs^ and now and
then a cow, dead by accident or disease. UThey were all
tied by the neck with strong withes fastened to a beam;
they held their food between the claws of their forefeet, and
tore it with their teeth._3
The master horse ordered a sorrel nag, one of his ser-
vants, to untie the largest of these animals, and take him
into the yard. The beast and I were brought close to-
gether, and our countenances diligently compared both by
master and servant, who thereupon repeated several times
the word Yahoo. My horror and astonishment are not to
be described, when I observed, in this abominable animal,
^ perfect humaji^ figure.; the face of it indeed was flat and
broaHTlhe nose~depressed, the lips large, and the mouth
wide; but these differences are common to all savage na-
tions, where the lineaments of the countenance are distorted
by the natives suffering their infants to lie grovelling on
the earth, or carrying them on their backs, nuzzling with
their faces against the mother's shoulders. The forefoot of
the Yahoo differed from my hands in nothing else but the
length of the nails, the coarseness and brownness of the
palms, and the hairiness on the backs. There was the
same resemblance between our feet, with the same differ-
ences, which I knew very well, though the horse did not,
because of my shoes and stockings; the same in every part
of our bodies except as to hairiness and color, which I have
already described.
The great dii^culty that seemed to stick with the two
horses, was to see the rest of my body so very different
from that of the Yahoo, for which I was obliged to my
clothes, whereof they ha<l no conception. The sorrel nag
offered me a root, which he held (after their manner, which
we shall describe in its proper place) between his hoof and
pastern : I took it in my hand, and having smelt it, returned
it to him again as civilly as I could. He brought out of the
Yahoos' kennel a piece of ass's flesh, but it smelt so of-
19
290 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
fensively that I turned from it with loathing: he then threw
it to the Yahoo, by whom it was greedily devoured. He
afterwards showed me a wisp of hay, and a fetlock full of
oats; but I shook my head, to signify that neither of these
were food for me. And indeed I now apprehended that I
must absolutely starve, if I did not get to some of my own
species; or as to those filthy Yahoos, although there were.
few greater_iQ3^e£s^ jnankind at that time than^^self, yet,
I confess! never saw any sensitive being so detestable on
aJU^ccgunfrj ancl the more .[ "came near lEem the more
hateful thevgrew, while I "stayed in that country. This
the master norse observed by my behavior, and therefore
sent the Yahoo back to his kennel. He then put his fore-
hoof to his mouth, at which I was much surprised, although
he did it with ease, and with a motion that appeared per-
fectly natural ; and made other signs to know what I would
eat; but I could not return him such an answer as he was
able to apprehend; and if he had understood me, I did not
see how I was possibly to contrive any way for finding my-
self nourishment. While we were thus engaged, I observed
a cow passing by, whereupon I pointed to her, and ex-
pressed a desire to go and milk her. This had its efifect;
for he had led me back into the house, and ordered a mare-
servant to open a room, where a good store of milk lay in
earthen and wooden vessels, after a very orderly and cleanly
manner. She gave me a large bowlful, of which I drank
very heartily, and found myself well refreshed. .
About noon, I saw coming towards the house a kind of
vehicle drawn like a sledge by four Yahoos. There was in
it an old steed, who seemed to be of quality; he alighted
with his hind-feet forward, having by accident got hurt in
his left forefoot. He came to dine with our horse, who re-
ceived him with great civility. They dined in the best
room, and had oats boiled in milk for the second course,
which the old horse eat warm, but the rest cold. Their
mangers were placed circular in the middle of the room,
and divided into several partitions, round which they sat
on their haunches, upon bosses of straw. In the middle
was a large rack, with angles answering to every partition
in the manger; so that each horse and mare eat their own
hay, and their own mash of oats and milk, with much de-
cency and regularity, f The behavior of the young colt and
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 291
foal appeared very modest, and that of the master and mis-
tress extremely cheerful and complaisant to their guesQ
The gray ordered me to stand by him; and much discourse
passed between him and his friend concerning me, as I
found by the stranger's often looking on me, and the fre-
quent repetition of the word Yahoo.
I happened to w^ar my gloves, which the master gray ob-
serving, seemed perplexed, discovering signs, of wonder
what I had done to my forefeet: he put his hoof three or
four times to them, as if he would signify that I should re-
duce them to their former shape, which I presently did,
pulling off both my gloves, and putting them into my
pocket.
This occasioned further talk, and I saw the company was
pleased with my behavior, whereof I soon found the good
effects. I was ordered to speak the few words I under-
stood; and while they were at dinner, the master taught me
the names for oats, milk, fire, water, and some others;
which I could readily pronounce after him, having from myl
youth a great faculty for learning languages. »
When dinner was done, the master took me aside, and
by signs and words made me understand the concern he
was in that I had nothing to eat. Oats in their tongue are
called hlunnh. This word I pronounced two or three
times; for although I had refused them at first, yet, upon
second thoughts I considered that I could contrive to make
of them a kind of bread, which might be sufficient, with
milk, to keep me alive, till I could make my escape to som.e
other country, and to creatures of my own species. The
horse immediately ordered a white mare-servant of his fam-
ily to bring me a good quantity of oats in a sort of wooden
tray. These I heated before the fire, as well as I could, and
rubbed them till the husks came off, which I made a shift to
winnow from the grain: I ground and beat them between
two stones, then took water, and made them into a kind of
paste or cake, which I toasted at the fire, and eat warm with
milk. It was at first a very insipid diet, though common
enough in many parts of Europe, but grew tolerable by
tim.e; and having been often reduced to hard fare in my
life, this was not the first experiment I had made how
easily nature is satisfied. And I cannot but observe, that^
Cinever had an hour's sickness while I stayed in this islan4*J
292 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
It is true I sometimes made a shift to catch a rabbit or bird,
by springs made of Yahoos' hair; and I often gathered
•v\holesome herbs, which I boiled and eat as salads with my
bread; and now and then, for a rarity, I made a little butter
and drank the whey. I was at first at a great loss for salt,
but custom soon reconciled me to the want of it; and I am
confident that the frequent use of salt among us is an effect
of luxury, and was first introduced as a provocative to drink,
except where it is necessary for preserving flesh in long
voyages, or in places remote from great markets: for we
observe no animal to be fond of it but man,''' and as to my-
self, when I left this country, it was a great while before I
could endure the taste of it in anything that I ate.
This is enough to say upon the subject of my diet, where-
with other travelers fill their books, as if the readers were
personally concerned whether we fare well or ill. How-
ever, it was necessary to mention this matter, lest the world
should think it impossible that I could find sustenance for
three years in such a country, and among such inhabitants.
When it grew towards evening, the master horse ordered
a place for me to lodge in; it was but six yards from the
house, and separated from the stable of the Yahoos. Here
I got some straw, and covering myself with my own clothes,
slept very sound. But I was in a very short time better
accomm.odated, as the reader will know hereafter, when I
come to treat more particularly about my way of living.
* This is a great mistake. Almost every animal is fond of salt, and
thrives when it is mingled with its food. The fattening- quality ot
salt marshes, and the delig-ht taken by animals in licking- salt sand, is
well known. It has been sprinkled upon musty hay, with such advan-
tage as to render it highly palatable to the animals which before re-
fused it.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 293
CHAPTER III.
THE AUTHOR STUDIES TO LEARN THE LANGUAGE — THE
HOUYHNHNM, HIS MASTER, ASSISTS IN TEACHING HIM—
THE LANGUAGE DESCRIBED— SEVERAL HOUYHNHNMS OF
QUALITY COME OUT OF CURIOSITY TO SEE THE AUTHOR
—HE GIVES HIS MASTER A SHORT ACCOUNT OF HIS VOY-
AGE.
My principal endeavor was to learn the language, which
my master (for so I shall henceforth call him), and his chil-
dren, and every servant of his house, were desirous to teach
me; for they looked upon it as a prodigy, that a brute ani-
mal should discover such marks of a rational creature. I
pointed to everything, and inquired the name of it, which I
wrote down in my journal-book when I was alone, and cor-
rected my bad accent, by desiring those of the family to
pronounce it often. In this employment a sorrel nag, one
of the under servants, was very ready to assist me.
In speaking, they pronounce through the nose and throat,
and their language approaches nearest to the High Dutch
or German, of any I know in Europe; but it is much more
graceful and significant. The emperor Charles V. made
almost the same observation when he said, ''that if he were
to speak to his horse, it should be in High Dutch." The
ruriosity and impRtienrp of my master were so great that he
spent many hours of his leisure to instruct me. He was
convinced (as he afterwards told me) that I must be a Ya-
hoo; but my teachableness, civility, and cleanliness, aston-
ished him; which were qualities altogether opposite to
those animals.* He was most perplexed about my clothes,
reasoning sometimes with himself, whether they were a
part of my body: for I never pulled them ofif till the family
were asleep, and got them on before they waked in the
morning. My master was eager to learn ''whence I came;
how I acquired those appearances of reason which I discov-
ered in all my actions ; and to know my story from my own
* "Qualities opposite to animals," is a strange mode ot expression;
it should be "which were qualities altogether opposite to such as be-
longed to those animals." — Sheridan.
294 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
mouth, which he hoped he should soon do, by the great
proficiency I made in learning and pronouncing their words
and sentences." To help my memory, I formed all I
learned into the English alphabet, and writ the words down,
with the translations. This last, after a time, I ventured
to do in my master's presence. It cost me much trouble to
explain to him what I was doing; for the inhabitants have
not the least idea of books or literature.
In about ten weeks' time I was able to understand most
of his questions; and in three months could give him some
tolerable answers. He was extremely curious to know
^'from what part of the country I came, and how I was
taught to imitate a rational creature; because the Yahoos
(whom he saw I exactly resembled in my head, hands and
face, that were only visible),* with some appearance of cun-
ning, and the strongest disposition to mischief, were ob-
served to be the most unteachable of all brutes." I an-
swered, "that I came over the sea from a far place, with
many others of my own kind, in a great hollow vessel made
of the bodies of trees; that my companions forced me to
land on this coast, and then left me to shift for myself." It
was with some difficulty, and by the help of many signs, that
I brought him to understand me. He replied, Ehat I must
, needs be mistaken, or that I said the thing which was not;"
( for they have no word in their language to express lying or
\ falsehood^) "He knew it was impossible that there could
be a country beyond the sea, or that a parcel of brutes could
move a wooden vessel whither they pleased upon water.
He was sure no Houyhnhnm alive could make such a ves-
sel, nor would trust Yahoos to manage it."
The word Houyhnhnm, in their tongue, signifies a horse,
and, in its etymology, the perfection of nature. I told my
master that "I was at a loss for expression, but would im-
prove as fast as I could; and hoped in a short time I should
be able to tell him wonders." He was pleased to direct his
own mare, his colt, and foal, and the servants of the family,
to take all opportunities of instructing me; and every day
or two, for two or three hours, he was at the same pains
himself; several horses and mares of quality in the neigh-
borhood came often to our house, upon the report spread
* "That were only visible" — an ambiguous phrase; it should be—
"which only were visible," etc. — Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 295
of "a, wonderful Yahoo, that could speak like a Houyhnhnm,
and seemed in his words and actions to discover some
glimmerings of reason." These delighted to converse with
^me : they put many questions and received such answers as
I was able to return. By all these advantages I made so
great a progress, that in five months from my arrival, I
understood whatever was spoken, and could express myself
tolerably well.
The Houyhnhnms, who came to visit my master out of
a design of seeing and talking with me, could hardly believe
me to be a right Yahoos, because my body had a different
covering from others of my kind. They were astonished
to observe me without the usual hair or skin, except on my
head, face, and hands; but I discovered that secret to my
master upon an accident which happened about a fortnight
before.
I have already told the reader, that every night, when the
family were gone to bed, it was my custom to strip, and
cover myself with my clothes: it happened one morning
early, that my master sent for me by the sorrel nag, who was
his valet; when he came I was fast asleep, my clothes fallen
off on one side, and my shirt above my waist. I awaked
at the noise he made, and observed him to deliver his mes-
sage in some disorder; after which he went to my master,
and in a great fright gave him a very confused account of
what he had seen: this I presently discovered; for, going
as soon as I was dressed to pay attendance upon his honor,
he asked me ''the meaning of what his servant had reported,
that I was not the same thing when I slept, as I appeared
to be at other times; that his valet assured him some part
of me was white, some yellow, at least not so white, and
some brown."
^^I had hitherto concealed the secret of my dress, in order
(to distinguish myself as much as possible from that cursed
rare of Yahnos! but now I found it in vain to do so any
longer. Besides, 1 considered that my clothes and shoes
would soon wear out, which already were in a declining
condition, and must be supplied by some contrivance from
the hj^e^,.Xi£.Yah^ps, or other brutes; whereby the whole
secret would be known. I therefore told my master, ''that
in the country whence I came, those of my kind always cov-
ered their bodies with the hairs of certain animals oreoared
296 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
by art^ as well for decency as to avoid the inclemencies of
air, both hot and cold; of which, as to my own person, I
would give him immediate conviction, if he pleased to com-
mand me: only desiring his excuse, if I did not expose
those parts that nature taught us to conceal." He said,
/ ''my discourse was all very strange, but especially the last
( part; for he could not understand, why nature should teach
\^us to conceal what nature had given; that neither himself
nor family were ashamed ot any part of their bodies; but,
however, I might do as I pleased." Whereupon I first un-
buttoned my coat, and pulled it off. I did the same with
my waistcoat. I drew off my shoes, stockings, and
breeches. I let my shirt down to my waist, and drew up
the bottom, fastened it like a girdle about my middle to
hide my nakedness.
My master observed the whole performance with great
signs of curiosity and admiration. He took up all my
clothes in his pastern, one piece after another, and examined
them diligently: he then stroked my body very gently, and
looked round me several times; after which he said, it was
plain I must be a^erfect Yahoo; but that I differed very
much from the rest of my species, in the softness, white-
ness, and smoothness of my skin; my want of hair on sev-
eral parts of my body; the shape and shortness of my claws
behind and before; and my affectation of walking con-
tinually on my hinder feet. He desired to see no more;
and gave me leave to put on my clothes again, for I was
shuddering with cold.
I expressed my uneasiness at his giving me so often the
appellation of Yahoo, an odious animal, for which I had so
utter a hatred and contempt : I begged he would forbear
applymg that word to me, and make the same order in his
family and among his friends whom he suffered to see me.
I requested likewise, "that the secret of my having a false
covering to my body might be known to none but myself,
at least as long as my present clothing should last; for, as
to what the sorrel nag, his valet, had observed, his honor
might command him to conceal it.
^ All this my master very graciously consented to, and
thus the secret was kept till my clothes began to wear out,
which I was forced to supply by several contrivances that
shall hereafter be mentioned. In the meantime, he desired
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 297
"I would go on with my utmost diligence to learn their lan-
guage, because he was more astonished at my capacity for
speech and reason, than at the figure of my body, whether
it was covered or not," adding, "that he waited with some
impatience to hear the wonders which I promised to tell
him."
Thenceforward he doubled the pains he had been at to
instruct me: he brought me into all company, and made
them treat me with civility; "because," as he told them pri-
vately, ^'this would put me into good humor, and make me
more diverting."
Every day, when I waited on him, besides the trouble he
was at in teaching, he would ask me several questions con-
cerning myself, which I answered as well as I could; and
by these means he had already received some general ideas,
though very imperfect. It would be tedious to relate the
several steps by which I advanced to a more regular con-
versation, but the first account I gave of myself in any order
and length was to this purpose.
''That I came from a very far country, as I already had
attempted to tell him, with about fifty more of my own
species; that we traveled upon the seas in a great hollow
vessel made of wood, and larger than his honor's house. I
described the ship to him in the best terms I could, and ex-
plained, by the help of my handkerchief displayed, hov/ it
was driven forward by the wind. That upon a quarrel
among us, I was set on shore on this coast, where I walked
forward, without knowing whither, till he delivered me from
the ^persecution of those execrable Yahoos." He asked
miC, '/^who made the ship, and how it was possible that the
Houyhnhnms c^rny country would leave it to the manage-
ment of brute^ My answer was, ''that I durst proceed
no farther in my relation, unless he would give me his word
and honor that he would not be offended, and then I would
tell him the wonders I had so often promised." He agreed;
and I went on by assuring him, "that the ship was made by
creatures like myself; who, in all the countries I had trav-
eled, as well as in my own, were the only governing rational
animals; and that upon my arrival hither,* I was as much
astonished to see the Houyhnhnms act like rational beings,
* It should be— "upon my arrival here," not "arrival hither," which
is not Eng-lish.— Sheridan,
298 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
as he, or his friends, could be, in finding some marks of
reason in a creature he was pleased to call a Yahoos to
which I owned my resemblance in every part, but could not
account for their degenerate and brutal nature." I said
farther, "that if good fortune ever restored me to my na-
tive country, to relate my travels hither, as I resolved to do,
everybody would believe, that I said the thing that was not,
that I invented the story out of my own head; and — with
all possible respect to myself, his family, and friends, and
under his promise of not being offended — our countrymen
v/ould hardly think it probable that a Houyhnhnm should
be the presiding creature of a nation, and a Yahoo the
brute."
CHAPTER IV.
THE HOUYHNHNM' S NOTION OF TRUTH AND FALSEHOOD-
THE AUTHOR'S DISCOURSE DISAPPROVED BY HIS MAS-
TER—THE AUTHOR GIVES A MORE PARTICULAR ACCOUNT
OP HIMSELF, AND THE ACCIDENTS OF HIS VOYAGE.
My master heard me with great appearances of uneasi-
ness in his countenance; because doubling, or not believing,
are sojktl.e.iaiow.n in this country, that the inhabitants can-
not tell how to behave themselves under such circum-
stances; and I remember, in frequent discourses with my
master concerning the nature of manhood in other parts of
the world, having occasion to talk of lying and false repre-
sentation, it was with much difficulty that he comprehended
what I meant, although he had otherwise a most acute judg-
ment; for he argued thus: ''that the use of speech was to
make us understand one another, and to receive informa-
tion of facts ; now, if any one said the thing which was not,
these ends were defeated, because I cannot properly be said
to understand him; and I am so far from receiving informa-
tion, that he leaves me worse than in ignorance; for I am
led to believe a thing black, when it is^ white, and short,
when it is long." And these were all the notions he had
concerning' that faculty of lying, so perfectly well under-
stood and so universally practiced, among human creatures.
To return from this digression. When I asserted that
the Yahoos were the only governing animals in my coun-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 299
try, which my master said was altogether past his concep-
tion, ^he desired to know, ''whether we had Houyhnhnms
among us, and what was their employment?" I told him,
"we had great numbers; that in the summer they grazed in
the fields, and in winter were kept in houses with hay and
oats, where Yahoo servants were employed to rub their
skins smooth, comb their manes, pick their feet, serve them
with food, and make their beds." ''I understand you well,"
said my master: ''it is very plain, from all you have spoken,
that whatever share of reason the Yahoos pretend to, the
Houyhnhnms are your masters : I heartily wish our Yahoos
would be so tractable." I begged "his honor would please
excuse me from proceeding any further because I was very
certain that the account he expected from me would be
highly displeasing." But he insisted in commanding''' me
to let him know the best and the worst. I told him "he
should be obeyed." I owned "that the Houyhnhnms
among us, whom we called horses, were the most generous
and comely animals we had; that they excelled in strength
and swiftness; and when they belonged to persons of qual-
ity, were employed in traveling, racing, or drawing char-
iots; they were treated with much kindness and care, till
they fell into diseases, or became foundered in the feet; but
then they were sold, and used to all kind of drudgery till
they died; after which their skins were stripped, and sold
for what they were worth, and their bodies left to be de-
voured by dogs and birds of prey. But the common race
of horses had not so good fortune, being kept by farmers
and carriers, and other mean people, who put them to great-
er labor, and fed them worse."
I described as well as I could, our way of riding; the
shape and use of a bridle, a saddle, a spur, and a whip ; of
harness and wheels. I added, "that we fastened plates of
a certain hard substance, called iron, at the bottom of their
feet, to preserve their hoofs from being broken by the stony
ways on which we often traveled."
My master, after some expressions of great indignation,
wondered "how we dared to venture upon a Houyhnhnm's
back ; for he was sure, that the weakest servant in his house
would be able to shake off the strongest Yahoo; or by
* "Insisted in commanding," is not English; it should be "persisted
in commanding-," etc.— Sheridan.
SOO GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
lying down, or rolling on his back, squeeze the brute to
death." I answered, *'that our horses were trained up,
from three or four years old, to the several uses we intend-
ed them for; that if any of them proved intolerably vicious,
they were employed for carriages; that they were severely
beaten, while they were young, for any mischievous tricks;
that the males, designed for the common use of riding or
draught, were generally castrated about two years after
their birth, to take down their spirits, and make them more
tame and gentle; that they were indeed sensible of rewards
and punishments; but his honor would please to consider,
that they had not the least tincture of reason, any more than
the Yahoos m this country."
It put me to the pains of many circumlocutions, to give
my master a right idea of what I spoke; for their language
does not abound in a variety of words, because theiixjiyants -^
5tBd-passions_are^Jewer than among us. But it is impos-
sible to express his noble resentment at our savage treat-
ment of the Houyhnhnm race; particularly after I had ex-
plained the manner and use of castrating horses among
us, to hinder them from propagating their kind, and to ren-
der them more servile. He said, "if it were possible there
could be any country where Yahoos alone were endued
with reason, they certainly must be the governing animal;
because reason in time will always prevail against brutal
strength. But, considering the frames of our bodies, and
especially of mine, he thought no creature of equal bulk
was so ill contrived for employing that reason in the com-
mon offices of life;" whereupon he desired to know "wheth-
er those among whom I lived resembled me or the Ya-
hoos of this country." I assured him, "that I was as well
shaped as most of my age; but the younger, and the fe-
males, were much more soft and tender, and the skins of the
latter generally as white as milk." He said, "I differed in-
deed from other Yahoos, being much more cleanly, and not
altogether so deformed ; but, in point of real advantage, he
thought I differed for the worse: that my nails were of no
use either to my fore or hinder feet; as to my forefeet, he
could not properly call them by that name, for he never
observed me to walk upon them; that they were too soft
to bear the ground; that I generally went with them un-
covered; neither was the covering I sometimes wore on
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 301
them of the same shape, or so strong as that on my feet
behind; that I could not walk with security, for if either of
my hinder feet slipped, I must inevitably fall." He then
began to find fault with other parts of my body: the flat-
ness of my face, the prominence of my nose, mine eyes
3^. placed directly in front, so that I could not look on either
^ / side, without turning my head; that I was not able to feed
myself, without lifting one of my forefeet to my mouth; and
therefore nature had placed those joints to answer that
ecessity. He knew not what could be the use of those
everal clefts and divisions in my feet behind; that these
were too soft to bear the hardness and sharpness of stones
ithout a covering made from the skin of somxC other brute :
hat my whole body wanted a fence against heat and cold,
which I was forced to put on and off every day, with
tediousness and trouble; and lastly, that he observed every
animal in this country naturally to abhor the Yahoos, whom
the weaker avoided and the stronger drove from them. So
that, supposing us to have the gift of reason he could not
see how it were possible to cure that naiural antipathy
which every creature discovered against us; nor conse-
quently, how we could tame and render them serviceable.
However, 'lie would," as he said, ''debate the matter no
farther, because he was more desirous to know my own
story, the country where I was born, and the several actions
and events of my life before I came hither."
I assured him "how extremely desirous I was that he
should be satisfied on every point; but I doubted much,
whether it would be possible for me to explain myself on
several subjects, whereof his honor could have no concep-
tion; because I saw nothing in his country to which I could
resemble them: that, however, I would do my best, and
strive to express myself by similitudes, humbly desiring his
assistance when I wanted proper words;" which he was
pleased to promise me.
I said, "my birth was of honest parents, in an island called
England, which was remote from this country, as many
days' journey as the strongest of his honor's servants could
travel in the annual course of the sun; that I was bred a
surgeon, whose trade it is to cure wounds and hurts in the
body, gotten by accident or violence; i-Viai^my^rn]intry \^v^^
governed bv a female man, whom we caTTqueenT^that I left
302 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
it to get riches whereby I might maintain my wife and fam-
ily when I should return; that, in my last voyage, I was
commander of the ship, and had about fifty Yahoos under
me, many of which died at sea, and I was forced to supply
them by others picked out from several nations; that our
ship was twice in danger of being sunk, the first time by a
great storm, and the second by striking against a rock."
Here my master interposed, by asking me, ''how I could
persuade strangers, out of different countries, to venture
with me, after the losses I had sustained, and the hazards
I had run?" I said, ''they were fellows of desperate for-
tunes, forced to fly from the places of their birth on account
of their poverty or their crimes. Some were undone by
lawsuits; others spent all they had in drinking, whoring,
and gaming; others fied for treason; many for murder,
theft, poisoning, robbery, perjury, forgery, coining false
money: for committing rapes, or sodomy; for flying from
their colors, or deserting to the enemy; and most of them
had broken prison: none of these durst return to their na-
tive countries, for fear of being hanged, or of starving in a
jail ; and therefore they were under the necessity of seeking
a livelihood in other places."
During this discourse my master was pleased to interrupt
me several times. I had made use of many circumlocutions
in describing to him the nature of the several crimes for
which most of our crew had been forced to fly their country.
This labor took up several days' conversation before he was
able to comprehend me. He was wholly at a loss to know
whatxQllM be the use or necessity of practicing these vices;
to clear up which, I endeavored to give some ideas of the
desire of power and riches; of the terrible effects of lust, in-
temperance, malice, and envy. All this I was forced to
define and describe by putting cases and making supposi-
tions. After which, like one whose imagination was struck
with something never seen or heard of before, he would lift
up his eyes with amazement and indignation. Power, gov-
ernment, war, law, punishment, and a thousand other things
had no terms, wherein that language could express them;
which made the difficulty almost insuperable, to give my
master any conception of what I meant. But, being of an
excellent understanding, much improved by contemplation
and converse, he at last arrived at a competent knowledge
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 308
of what human nature, in our parts of the world, is capable
to perform; and desired I would give hkn some particular
account of that land which we call Europe, but especially
of my own country.
CHAPTER V.
THE AUTHOR AT HIS MASTER'S COMMAND, INFORMS HIM
OF THE STATE OF ENGLAND — THE CAUSES OF WAR
AMONG THE PRINCES OF EUROPE— THE AUTHOR BEGINS
TO EXPLAIN THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION.
Let the reader please to observe that the following extract,
of many of the conversations I had with my master, con-
tains a summary of the most material points, which were
discoursed at several times for above two years; his honor
often desiring fuller satisfaction, as I further improved in
the Houyhnhnm tongue. I laid before him, as well as I
could, the whole state of Europe; I discoursed of trade and
manufactures, of arts and science; and the answers I gave
to all the questions he made, as they arose upon several
subjects, were a fund of conversation not to be exhausted.
But I shall here only set down the substance of what passed
between us concerning my own country, reducing it in or-
der as well as I can, without any regard to time or other
circumstances, while I strictly adhere to truth. My only
concern is, that I shall hardly be able to do justice to my
master's arguments and expressions, which must needs suf-
fer by want of capacity, as well as by a translation into our
barbargu§„Eiiglish .
"^TjT obedience, therefore, to his honor's commands, I re-
lated to him the revolution under the Prince of Orange:
the long war with France, entered into by the said prince,
and renewed by his successor, the present queen; wherein
the greatest powers of Christendom were engaged, and
which still continued. I computed, at his request, "that
about a million of Yahoos might have been killed in the
whole progress of it; and perhaps a hundred or more cities
taken, and five times as many ships burnt or sunk."
He asked me, ''what are the usual causes or motives that
made one country g:o to war with another.^" I answered,
304 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 4
"they were, innumerable; but I should only mention a few
of the chief. Sometimes the ambition of princes, who never
think they have land or people'^ough to govern; some-
times the corru£tionjofjiiiiiisters, who engage their master
in a war, in order to stifle or divert the clamor of the sub-
jects aga.injt their^ evi]^ ad m i n i stratTon. Ditterence in opTn-
i^iiis has cost many millions of lives: for instance, whether
flesh be bread^ or bread be flesh; whether the juice of a cer-
tain berry be blood or wine;* whether whistling be a vice
or a virtue ;t whether it be better to kiss a post or throw it
into the fire;J what is the best color for a caat,§ whether
black, white, red, or gray, and whether it should be long or
short, narrow or wide, dirty or clean, with many more.
Neither are any wars so furious and bloody or of so long
continuance, as those occasioned by difference in opinion,
especially if it be in things indifferent.
''Sometimes the quarrel between tAyn- princes is to decide
which of them shall dispossess a third of his dominions,
where neither of them pretend to any right: sometimes one
prince quarrels with another, for fear the other should quar-
lel with him; sometimes a war is entered upon, because
the enemy is too strong; and sometimes, because he is too
weak; sometimes our neighbors want the things which we
have, or have the things which we want, and we both fight,
till they take ours, or give us theirs. It is a very justifiable
cause of a war, to invade a country after the people have
been wasted by famine, destroyed by pestilence, or em-
broiled by factions among themselves. It is justifiable to
enter into war against our nearest ally, when one of his
towns lies convenient for us, or a territory of land, that
would render our dominions round and compact. If a
prince sends forces into a nation, where the people are poor
and ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to death,
and make slaves of the rest, in order to civilize and reduce
them from their barbarous way of living. It is a very king-
ly, honorable, and frequent practice, when one prince de-
sires, the assistance of another, to secure him against an in-
vasion, that the assistant, when he has driven out the in-
* Transubstantiation.— Hawkesworth. f Church music— Id.
t Kissing a cross.— Id.
§ The color and make of sacred vestments, and different orders of
ecclesiastics.— Id.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 305
vader, should seize on the dominions himself, and kill, im-
prison, or banish the prince he came to relieve. Alliance
by blood, or marriage, is a frequent cause of war between
princes; and the nearer the kindred is, the greater their
disposition to quarrel: poor nation^ are hungry, and rich
nations arc pyeud ; and pride and hunger will_exeJi,J:t^^at
.VLariaiLce. For these reasons, the trade of F'soldier is held
the most_honorable of all others, because a soldier_is„a_Ya-
hoo^ired^o kUl, in cold blood, as many of his own^species,
wholiever offended him, as possibly he can.
'There is likewise a kind of beggarly princes in Europe,
not able to make war by themselves, who hire out their
troops to richer nations, for so much a day to each man ; of
which they keep three-fourths to themselves, and it is the
best part of their maintenance: such are those in many
northern parts of Europe."*
''What you have told me," said my master, "upon the sub-
ject of war, does indeed discover most admirably the effects
of that reason you pretend to : however, it is happy that the
shame is greater than the danger; and that nature has left
you utterly incapable of doing much mischief. For, your
mouths lying flat with your faces, you can hardly bite each
other to any purpose, unless by consent. Then as to the
claws upon your feet before and behind, they are so short
and tender, that one of our Yahoos would drive a dozen of
yours before him. And therefore, in recounting the num-
bers of those who have been killed in battle, I cannot but
think you have said a thing which is not."
I could not forbear shaking my head and smiling a little
at his ignorance. And being no stranger to the art of war,
I gave him a description of cannons, culverins, mmskets,
carabines, pistols, bullets, powder, swords, bayonets, bat-
tles, sieges, retreats, attacks, undermines, countermines,
bombardments, sea-fights, ships sunk with a thousand men,
twenty thousand killed on each side, dying groans, limbs
flying in the air, smoke, noise, confusion, trampling to
death under horses' feet, flight, pursuit, victory; fields
9trewed with carcasses, left for food to dogs, and wolves,
and birds of prey; plundering, stripping, ravishing, burn-
* Swift alludes to the German mercenaries hired by George I., the
employment of these foreigners gave great offense to the English
nation.
20
306 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ing, and destroying. And, to set forth the valor of my own
dear countrymen, I assured him, ''that I had seen them
blow up a hundred enemies at once in a siege, and as many
in a ship; and beheld the dead bodies drop down in pieces
from the clouds, to the great diversion of the spectators.""^'
I was going on to more particulars, when my master
commanded me silence. He said, ''whoever understood
the nature of Yahoos might easily believe it impossible for
so vile an animal to be capable of every action I had named,
if their strength and cunning equalled their malice. But as
my discourse had increased his abhorrence of the whole
species, so he found it gave him a disturbance in his mind,
to which he was wholly a stranger before. He thought his
ears, being used to such abominable words, might, by de-
grees, admit them with less detestation: that although he
hated the Yahoos of this country, yet he no more blamed
them for their odious qualities than he did gnnayh (a bird
of prey) for its cruelty, or a sharp stone for cutting his hoof.
/^ But when a creature pretending to reason could be capable
of such enormities, he dreaded lest the corruption of that
faculty might be worse than brutahty itself. He seemed
therefore confident that, instead of reason, we were only
possessed of some quality, fitted to increase our natural
vices; as the reflection from a troubled stream returns the
image of an ill-shapen body, not only larger, but more dis-
torted."
He added, "that he had heard too much upon the subject
of war, both in this and some former discourses. There
was another point which a little perplexed him at present. I
had informed him that some of our crew left their country
* It would perhaps be impossible, by the most labored arg-ument,
or forcible eloquence, to show the absurd injustice and horrid cruelty
of war so effectually, as by this simple exhibition of them in a new
light; with war, including every species of iniquity, and every art of
destruction, we become familiar, by degrees, under specious terms,
which we seldom examine because they are learned at an age in which
the mind implicitly receives and retains whatever is impressed; thus
it happens, that when one man murders another to gratify his lust,
we shudder; but when one man murders a million to gratify his vanity
we approve and we admire, we envy and we applaud. If, when this
and the preceding pages are read, we discover with astonishment that
when the same events have occurred in history, we feit no emotion,
and acquiesced in wars which we could not but know to have been
commenced for such causes and carried on by such means; let not
him be censured for too much debasing his species, who has contrib-
buted to their felicity and preservation, by stripping off the veil of
custom and prejudice, and holding up in their native deformity the
vices by which they become wretched, and the arts by which they are
destroyed.— Hawkesworth.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 307
on account of being ruined by law; that I had already ex-
plained the meaning of the word; but he was at a loss how
it should come to pass, that the law, which was intended for
every man's preservation, should be any man's ruin. There-
fore he desired to be farther satisfied what I meant by law,
and the dispensers thereof, according to the present prac-
tice in my own country; because he thoughtjiature and
reason were sufficient guides for a reasonable animal, as we
pretended to be, in showing us what we ought to do, and
what to avoid."
I assured his honor, ''that law was a science, in which I
had not much conversed, farther than by employing advo-
cates in vain, upon some injustices that had been done me:
however, I would give him all the satisfaction I was able."
I said, "there was a society of men among us, bred up
from their youth in^thfiart of proving, by w^ords multiplied
for the purpose, tliat_white is black, and black is white, ac-
cording as they are paid. To this society all the rest of
the people are slaves. For example, if my neighbor has
a mind to my cow, he hires a lawyer to prove that he ought
to have my cow from me. I must then hire another to de-
fend my right, it being against all rules of law that any man
should be allowed to speak for himself. Nov/, in this case,
I, who am the right owner, lie under two great disadvan-
tages, my lawyer being practiced almost from his cradle in
defending falsehood, is quite out of his element when he
would be an advocate for justice, which is an unnatural
of^ce he always attempts with great awkwardness, if not
with ill-will. The second disadvantage is, that my lawyer
must proceed with great caution, or else he will be repri-
manded by the judges, and abhorred by his brethren, as one
that would lessen the practice of the law. And therefore I
have but two methods to preserve my cow. The first is,
to gain over my adversary's lawyer with a double fee, who
will then betray his client by insinuating that he has justice
on his side. The second way is for my lawyer to make my
cause appear as unjust as he can, by allowing the cow to
belong to my adversary; and this, if it be skillfully done,
will certainly bespeak the favor of the bench.* Now your
* This bitter tirade against lawyers was occasioned by the zeal with
which the great majority of the English bar supported the principles
of the revolution and the Hanoverian successijon.
308 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
honor is to know that these judges are persons appointed
to decide all controversies of property, as well as for the
trial of criminals, and picked out from the most dexterous
lawyers, who are grown old or lazy; and having been
biased all their lives against truth and equity, lie under
such a fatal necessity of favoring fraud, perjury, and oppres-
sion, that I have known some of them refuse a large bribe
from the side where justice lay, rather than injure the fac-
ulty, by doing anything unbecoming their nature or their
ofifice.t
I ''It is a maxim among these lawyers, that whatever ha^
t been done before may legally be done agai^j andTFi ere fore
tliey" take especial care to record all the decisions formerly
made against common justice, and the general reason of
mankind. These, under the name of precedents, they pro-
duce as authorities to justify the most iniquitous opinions;
and the judges never fail of directing accordingly.
"In pleading, they studiously avoided entering into the
merits of the cause; but are loud, violent, and tedious in
dwelling upon all circumstances which are not to the pur-
pose. For instance, in the case already mentioned; they
never desire to know what claim or title my adversary has to
my cow; but whether the said cow was red or black; her
horns long or short; whether the fields I grazed her in be
round or square; whether she was milked at home or
abroad; w^hat diseases she is subject to, and the like; after
which they consult precedents, adjourn the cause from time
to time and in ten, twenty or thirty years come to an issue.
*'It is likewise to be observed, that this society has a pe-
culiar cant and jargon of their own, that no other mortal
can understand, and wherein all their laws are written,
which they take special care to multiply; whereby they have
w^holly confounded the very essence of truth and falsehood,
of right and wrong; so that it will take thirty years to de-
cide, whether the field, left me by my ancestors for six gen-
erations, belongs to me, or to a stranger three hundred miles
off.
"In the trial of persons accused for crimes against the
state, the method is much more short and commendable:
tit is probable that the conduct of the Irish judges on the trial of
Swift's printers for libel prompted the severe attack which is here
made upon the bench.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 309
the judge first sends to sound the disposition of those in
power, after which he can easily hang or save a criminal,
strictly preserving all due forms of law\"
Here my master interposing said, 'Mt was a pity that
creatures endowed with such prodigious abilities of mind
as these lawyers, by the description I gave of them, must
certainly be, were not rather encouraged to be instructors
of others in wisdom and knowledge." In answer to which,
I assured his honor, ''that in all points out of their own
trade, they were usually the most ignorant and stupid gen-
eration among us, the most despicable in common conversa-
tion, avowed enemies to all knowledge and learning, and
equally disposed to^ pervert the general reason of mankind,
in every other subject of discourse as in that of their own
profession."
CHAPTER VI.
A CONTINUATION OP THE STATE OP ENGLAND UNDER
QUEEN ANNE— THE CHARACTER OP A FIRST MINISTER
OP STATE IN EUROPEAN COURTS,
My master was yet wholly at a loss to understand what
motives could incite this race of lawyers to perplex, disquiet,
and weary themselves, and engage in a confederacy of in-
justice, merely for the sake of injuring their fellow-animals;
neither could he comprehend what I meant in saying, they
did it for hire. Whereupon I was at much pains to describe
to him the use of money, the materials it was made of, and
the value of the metals; ''that when a Yahoo had got a great
store of this precious substance, he was able to purchase
whatever he had a mind to; the finest clothing, the noblest
houses, great tracts of land, the most costly meats and
drinks, and have his choice of the most beautiful females.
Therefore, since money alone was able to perform all these
feats, our Yahoos thought they could never have enough of
it to spend, or to save, as they found themselves incHned,
from their natural bent, either to profusion or avarice. That
the rich man enjoyed the fruit of the poor man's labor, and
the latter were a thousand to one in proportion to the for-
mer. That the bulk of_qur people were forced to live mis-
310 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
erably, by laboring every day for small v/ages, to make a few
live plentifully."
I enlarged myself much on these, and many other parti-
culars to the same purpose ; but his honor was still to seek ;
for he went upon a supposition, that all animals had a title
to their share in the productions of the earth, and especially
tliQie_-wlio-4iresided aver the rest. Therefore he cTesn-edr I
would let him know, "what these costly meats were, and hov.^
any of us happened to want them?" Whereupon I enu-
merated as many sorts as came into my head, with the vari-
ous methods of dressing them, which could not be done
without sending vessels by sea to every part of the world,
as well for liquors to drink as for sauces and innumerable
other conveniences. I assured him "that this whole globe
of earth must be at least three times gone round, before one
of our better female Yahoos could get her breakfast, or a cup
to put it in." He said, "that must needs be a miserable
country, which cannot furnish food for its own inhabitants.
But what he chiefly wondered at was, how such vast tracts of
ground as I described should be wholly without fresh water,
and the people put to the necessity of sending over the sea
for drink." I replied, "that England (the dear place of my
nativity) was computed to produce three times the quantity
of food more than its inhabitants are able to consume, as well
as liquors extracted from grain, or pressed out of the fruit
]oi certain trees, which made excellent drink; and the same
Vproportion in every other convenience of life. But, in order
to feed the luxury and intemperance of the males, and the
vanity of the females, we sent away the greatest part of
our necessary things to other countries, whence in return we
brought the materials of diseases, folly and vice, to spend
among ourselves. Hence it follows of necessity, that vast
numbers of our people are compelled to seek their liveli-
hood by begging, robbing, stealing, cheating, pimping, flat-
tering, suborning, forswearing, forging, gaming, lying,
fawning, hectoring, voting, scribbling, star-gazing, poison-
ing, whoring, canting, libelling, free-thinking, and the like
occupations :" every one of which terms I was at much pains
to make him understand.*
* Dr. Young relates that Lord Bolingbroke offered to send his bill of
fare when trying- to persuade Swift to dine with him— "Send me your
bill of cornDany," was Swift's reply.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 311
*That wine was not imported among us frpm foreign
countries, to supply the want of water or other drinks, but
because it was a sort of liquid which made us merry by put-
ting us out of our senses ; diverted all melancholy thoughts,
begat wild extravagant imaginations in the brain, raised our
hopes and banished our fears, suspended every office of
reason for a time and deprived us of the use of our limbs till
we fell into a profound sleep; although it must be confessed
that we always awaked sick and dispirited, and that the use
of this liquor filled us with diseases which made our lives
uncomfortable and short
"But beside all this, the bulk of our people supported
themselves by furnishing the necessities or conveniences of
life to the rich and to each other. For instance, when I am
at home, and dressed as I ought to be, I carry on my body
the workmanship of a hundred tradesmen ; the building and
furniture of my house employ as many more, and five times
the number to adorn my wife."
I was going on to tell him of another sort of people, who
get their livelihood by attending the sick, having upon some
occasions informed his honor, that many of my crew had
died of diseases. But it was with the utmost difficulty that
1 brought him to apprehend what I meant. "He could easily
conceive that a Houyhnhnm grew weak and heavy a few
days before his death, or by some accident might hurt a
]limb; but that nature, who works all things to perfection,
/ should suffer any pains to breed in our bodies he thought
^.impossible, and desired to know the reason of so unac-
Vountable an evil."
^ I told him that "we fed on a thousand things which oper-
ated contrary to each other; that we ate when we were not
hungry, and drank without the provocation of thirst; that
we sat whole nights drinking strong liquors, without eating
a bit, which disposed us to sloth, inflamed our bodies, and
precipitated or prevented digestion. That prostitute female
Yahoos acquired a certain malady, which bred rottenness
in the bones of those who fell into their embraces ; that this,
and many other diseases, were propagated from father to
son, so that great numbers come into the world with com-
plicated maladies upon them; that it would be endless to
give him a catalogue of all diseases incident to human
bodies, for thev would not be fewer than five or six hun-
312 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
dred, spread over every limb and joint — in short every part,
external and intestine, having diseases appropriated to itself.
To remedy which, there was a sort of people bred up among
us in the profession, or pretense, of curing the sick. And
because I had some skill in the faculty, I would, in gratitude
to his honor, let him know the whole mystery and method
by which they proceed.
"Their fundamental is, that all diseases arise from reple-
tion; whence they conclude, that a great evacuation of the
body is necessary, either through the natural passage, or
upwards at the mouth. Their next business is, from herbs,
minerals, gums, oils, shells, salt, juices, seaweed, excrements,
barks of trees, serpents, toads, frogs, spiders, dead men's
flesh and bones, birds, beasts, and fishes, to form a composi-
tion for smell and taste, the most abominabl'e, nauseous, and
detestable they can possibly contrive, which the stomach
immediately rejects with loathing, and this they call a vomit;
or else, from the same storehouse, with some other poison-
ous additions, they command us to take in at the orifice
above or below (just as the physician then happens to be
disposed), a medicine equally annoying and distasteful to
the bowels; which, relaxing the belly, drives down all before
it; and this they call a purge, or a clyster. For nature (as
the physicians allege) having intended the superior anterior
orifice only for the intromission of solids and liquids, and the
inferior posterior for ejection, these artists* ingeniously con-
sidering, that in all diseases nature is forced out of her seat,
therefore, to replace her in it, the body must be treated in a
manner directly contrary, by interchanging the use of each
orifice; forcing solids and liquids in at the anus, and mak-
ing evacuations at the mouth.
"But besides real diseases, we are subject to many that
are only imaginary, for which the physicians have invented
imaginary cures; these have their several names, and so
have the drugs that are proper for them ; and with these our
female Yahoos are always infested.
"One great excellency in this tribe is their skill at prog-
nostics, wherein they seldom fail; their predictions in real
diseases, when they arise in any degree of malignity; gen-
erally portending death, which is always in their power,
* "These artists," is a nominative without any verb, to which it
refers in the remainder of the sentence.— Sheridan,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 313
when recovery is not, and therefore, upon any unexpected
signs of amendment, after they have pronounced their sen-
tence, rather than be accused as false prophets, they know
how to prove their sagacity to the world by a seasonable
dose.
'They are likewise of special use to husbands and wives
who are grown weary of their mates ; to eldest sons, to great
ministers of state, and often to princes."
I had formerly^ upon occasions, discoursed with my mas-
ter upon the nature of government in general, particularly
of our own excellent constitution, deservedly the wonder
and envy of the whole world. But having here accidentally
mentioned a minister of state, he commanded me some time
after to inform him what species of Yahoo I particularly
meant by that appellation.
I told him "that first or chief minister of state, who was
the person I intended to describe, was a creature wholly ex-
empt from joy and grief, love and hatred, pity and anger; at
least, makes use of no other passions, but a violent desire of
wealth, power, and titles: that he applies his words to all
uses except the maication of his mind; that he never tells
a truth but with an intent that you should take it for a lie;
nor a lie, but with a design that you should take it for a
truth ; that those he speaks worst of behind their backs are in
the surest way of preferment; and whenever he begins to
praise you to others, or to yourself, you are from that day
forlorn.
The worst mark you can receive is a promise, especially
when it is confirmed with an oath; after which, every wise
man retires, and gives over all hopes.
"There are three methods by which a man may rise to be
chief minister. The first is, by knowing how, with prudence,
to dispose of a wife, a daughter, or a sister; the second, by
betraying or undermining his predecessor; and the third is,
by a furious zeal, in public assemblies, against the corrup-
tions of the court. But a wise prince would rather choose to
employ those who practice the last of these methods; be-
cause such zealots prove always the most obsequious and
subservient to the will and passions of their master. That
these ministers, having all employments at their disposal,
preserve themselves in power, by bribing the majority of a
senate or great council; and at last, by an expedient, called
314 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
an act of idemnity (whereof I described the nature to him),
they secure themselves from after reckonings, and retire
from the public laden with the spoils of the nation.
''The palace of a chief minister is a seminary to breed up
others in his own trade; the pages, lackeys, and porter, by
imitating their master, become ministers of state in their
several districts, and learn to excel in the three principal
ingredients, of insolence^ Jyjngj^ and briber^/. Accordingly,
they have a subaltern^'court paid to them by persons of the
best rank, and sometimes by the force of dexterity and im-
pudence, arrive, through several gradations, to be succes-
sors to their lord.
"He is usually governed by a decayed wench, or favorite
footman, who are the tunnels through which all graces are
conveyed, and may properly be called in the last resort, the
governors of the kingdom."
One day in discourse, my master, having heard me men-
tion the nobility of my country, was pleased to make me a
compliment which I could not pretend to deserve; ''that he
was sure I must have been born of some noble family, be-
cause I far exceeded in shape, color, and cleanliness, all the
Yahoos of his nation, although I seemed to fail in strength
and agility, which must be imputed to my different way of
living from those other brutes ; and besides, I was not only
endowed with the faculty of speech, but likewise with some
rudiments of reason, to a degree that with all his acquaint-
ance I passed for a prodigy."
He made me observe, "that among the Houyhnhnms,
the white, the sorrel, and the iron-gray, were not so exactly
shaped as the bay, the dapple-gray, and the black ; nor born
with equal talents of mind, or a capacity to improve them;
and therefore continued always in the condition of servants,
without ever aspiring to match out of their own race, which
in that country would" be reckoned monstrous snil_u_n-
^tural."
I made his honor my most humble acknowledgments for
the good opinion he was pleased to conceive of me; but
assured him at the same time, that my birth was of the lower
sort, having been born of plain, honest parents, who were
just able to give me a tolerable education; that nobility,
among us, was altogether a different thing from the idea he
had of it; that our young noblemen are bred from their
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 315
childhood in idleness and luxury ; that, as soon as years will
permit, they consume their vigor, and contract odious _dis-
eases among Jewd females: and when their fortunes are
almost ruined, they marry some woman of mean birth, dis-
agreeable person, and unsound constitution (merely for the
sake of money), whom they hate and despise. That the
productions of such marriages are generally scrofulous,
rickety, or defonne(ixhildren ; by which means the family
seldom continues above three generations, unless the wife
takes care to provide a healthy father, among her neighbors
or domestics, in order to improve and continue the breeds;
that a weak diseased body, a meager countejgance, and,, a
sajlow complexion, are the true mark^ nf noble blnnH ; and
a healthy, robust appearance is so disgraceful in a man of
quality, that the world concludes his real father to have been
a groom or a coachman. The imperfections of his mind
run parallel with those of his body, being a composition of
spleen, dullness, ignorance, caprice, sensuality and pride.
''Without the consent of this illustrious body, no law can
be enacted, repealed, or altered; and these nobles have like-
wise the decision of all our possessions, without appeal.*
CHAPTER VIL
THE AUTHOR' S^^^ReA^-IiOVEJ FORlHlS NATIVE COUNTRY.— HIS
MASTER'S OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CONSTITUTION AND
ADMINISTRATION OF ENGLAND, AS DESCRIBED BY THE
AUTHOR, WITH PARALLEL CASES AND COMPARISONS—
HIS MASTER'S OBSERVATIOKTS UPON HUMAN NATURE.
Let the reader not wonder how I could prevail on myself
to give so free a representation of my own species, among a
race of mortals who are already too apt to conceive the vilest
opinion of human kind, from that entire congruity between
me and their Yahoos, ^u^ I inust freely confess, that the
many virtues of theses^cellent quadrupeds, placed in oppo-
site view to human corruptions, had so "far opened my eyes
and enlarged my understanding, that I began to view the )
actions and passions of man in a very different light, and to '
* Dr. Young relates that Lord Bolingbroke's father said to him on
his being made a lord, "Ah, Harry! I ever said you would be hanged,
but now I find you will be beheaded."
316 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
think the honor of my own kind not worth managing*;
which, besides, it was impossible for me to do, before a per-
son of so acute a judgment as my master, who daily con-
vinced me of a thousand faults in myself, wherebt i had not
the least perception before, and which, with us, would never
be numbered even among human infirmities. I had like-
wise learned, from his example, an utter detestation of all
falsehood or disguise ; and truth appeared so amiable to me,
that I determined upon sacrificing everything to it.
Let me deal so candidly with the reader as to confess that
there was yet a much stronger motive for the freedom I
took in my representation of things. I had not yet been
a year in this country before I contracted such a love and
veneration for the inhabitants, that I entered on a firm reso-
lution never to return to human kind, but to pass the rest of
my life among these adrnirable Houvhnhnms. in the con-
templation and practice of every virtue : where I could have
no example or incitement to vice. But it was decreed by
fortune, my perpetual enemy, that so great a felicity should
not fall to my share. However, it is now some comfort to
reflect, that in what I said of my countrymen, I extenuated
their faults as much as I durst before so strict an examiner;
and upon every article gave as favorable a turn as the matter
would bear. For, indeed, who is there alive that will not be
swayed by his bias and partiality to the place of his birth?
I have related the substance of several conversations I had
with my master, during the greatest part of the time I had
the honor to be in his service; but have, indeed, for brev-
ity's sake, omitted much more than is here set down.
When I had answered all his questions, and his curiosity
seemed to be fully satisfied, he sent for me one morning
early, and commanded me to sit down at some distance (an
honor which he had never before conferred upon me). He
said, "he had been very seriously considering my whole
story, as far as it related both to myself and to my country;
that he looked upon us as a sort of animals, to whose share,
by what accident he could not conjecture, some small pit-
tance of reason had fallen, whereof we made no other use
than by its assistance to aggravate our natural corruptions, f^
and to- acquire new ones, which nature had not given uss
that we disarmed ourselves of the few abilities she had be^
stowed; had been very successful in multiplying our orig-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 317
inal v*^ants, and seemed to spend our whole lives in vain en-
deavors to supply them by our own inventions. That as to
myself, it was manifest I had neither the strength nor the
agility of a common Yahoo; that I walked infirmly on my
hinder feet; had found out a contrivance to make my claws
of no use or defense, and to remove the hair from my chin,
which was intended as a shelter from the sun and weather.
Lastly, that I could neither run with speed, nor climb trees
like my brethren," as he called them, "the Yahoos in his
country ."~"
/''That our institutions of government and law were plainly
owing to our gross defects in reason/and by consequence
in virtue; becausereajoji^one_js suflficient to__govern a
rational creature; wliTnrwasn:hererore^a character we'^ted
no'^prefefTse to challenge, even from the account I had
given of my own people; although he manifestly perceived
that, in order to favor them, I had concealed many particu-
lars, and often said the thing which was not.
*'He was the more confirmed in tBis opinion, because he
observed, that as I agreed in every feature of my body with
other Yahoos, except where it was my real disadvantage
in point of strength, speed and activity, the shortness of my
claws, and some particulars where nature had no part; so
from the representation I had given him of our lives, our
manners, and our actions, he found as near a resemblance
in the disposition of our minds." He said, ''the Yahoos were
known to h^fe one another more than they did any dififerent
I species of animals ; and the reason usuallv assigned was.
^Jwhe odiousness of their own shapes, which all could see, in
V'^the rest, but not in themseWes. He had therefore begun to
think it not unwise in us to cover our bodies, and by that
invention conceal many of our deformities from each other,
which would else be hardly supportable. But he now found
he had been mistaken, and that the dissensions of these
brutes in his country were owing to the same cause with
ours, as I had described them. For if," said he, "you throw
among five Yahoos as much food as would be sufHcient for
fifty, they will, instead of eating peaceably, fall together by
the ears, each single one impatient to have all to itself; and
therefore a servant was usually employed to stand by -while
they were feeding abroad, and those kept at home were tied
at a distance from each other; that if a cow died of age or
318 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
accident, before a Houyhnhnm could secure it for his own
Yahoos, those in the neighborhood would come in herds to
seize it, and then would ensue such a battle as I had de-
scribed, with terrible wounds made by their claws on both
sides, although they seldom were able to kill one another
for want of such convenient instruments of death as we had
invented. At other times, the like battles have been fought
between the Yahoos of several neighborhoods, without any
visible cause; those of one district watching all opportuni-
ties to surprise the next before they are prepared. But if
they find their project had m.iscarried, they return home,
and, for want of enemies, engage in what I call a civil war
among themselves.
"That in some fields of his country, there are certain
shining stones of several colors, whereof the Yahoos are
violently fond; and when part of these stones is fixed in
the earth, as it sometimes happens, they will dig with their
claws for whole days to get them out, then carry them away
and hide them by heaps in their kennels; but still looking
round with great caution, for fear their comrades should find
out their treasure." My master said, "he could never dis-
cover the reason of this unnatural appetite, or how these
stones could be of any use to a Yahoo; but now he believed
it might proceed from the same principjje>^Ql.^yaxic£-Jidiich
T }i^d agcribed to nwikind. That he had once, by way of
experimentTprivately removed a heap of these stones from
the place where one of his Yahoos had buried it; whereupon
the sordid animal, missing his treasure, by his loud lament-
ing brought the whole herd to the place, there miserably
howled, and then fell to biting and tearing the rest; beg^n
to pine away; would neither eat nor sleep, nor work, till
he ordered a servant privately to convey the stones into the
same hole, and hide them as before ; which, when his Yahoo
had found, he presently recovered his spirits and good
humor, but took good care to remove them to a better hid-
ing-place, and has ever since been a very serviceable brute."
My master further assured me, which I also observed my-
self, "that in the fields where the shining stones abound,
the fiercest and most frequent battles are fought, occasioned
by perpetual inroads of the neighboring Yahoo."
He said, "it was common when two Yahoos discovered
such a stone in a field, and were contending which of them
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 319
should be the proprietor, a third would take the advantage
and carry it away from them both;" which my master would
needs contend to have some kind of resemblance with our
suits at law; wherein I thought it for our credit not to unde-
ceive him; since the decision he mentioned was much more
equitable than many decrees among us; because the plain-
tiff and defendant there lost nothing beside the stone they
contended for; whereas our courts of equity would never
have dismissed the cause while either of them had anything
left.
My master, continuing his discourse, said, ''there was
nothing that rendered the Yahoos more odious than their
undistinguishing appetite to devour everything that came in
their way, whether herbs, roots, berries, the corrupted flesh
of animals, or all mingled together; and it was peculiar in
their temper, that they were fonder of what they could get
by rapine or stealth at a greater distance, than much better
food provided for them at home. If their prey held out, they
would eat till they were ready to burst; after which, nature
had pointed out to them a certain root that gave them a
general evacuation.
/^ 'There was also another kind of root, very juicy, but
f somewhat rare and difilicult to be found, which the Yahoos
\ sought for with much eagerness, and would suck it with
J great delight; it produced in them the same effects that wine
/has upon us. It would make them sometimes hug and some-
\ times tear one another; they would howl, and grin, and
/chatter, and reel, and tumble, and then fall asleep in the
(mud."
I^did indeed observe that the Yahoos were the only ani-
mals in the country subject to any diseases; which, however,
Vvcre much fewer than^horses have among us, and con-
tracted not by any ill treatment they meet with, but by the
Hastiness and preediness of that sordid brute. Neither has
their language any more than a general appellation for those
maladies, which is borrowed from the name of the beast,
and called "hnea yahoo," or "Yahoos evil;" and the cure
prescribed is a mixture of their own dung and urine, forci-
bly put down the Yahoo's throat. This I have since often
known to have been taken with success, and do here freely
recommend it to my countrymen, for the public good, as an
admirable specific against all diseases produced by re-
pletion.
820 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
"As to learning, government, arts, manufactures, and the
like," my master confessed, "he could find little or no re-
semblance between the Yahoos of that country and those h
curs. For he only meant to observe what parity there was
in our natures. He had heard, indeed, some curious
Houyhnhnms observe, that in most herds there was a
sort of ruling Yahoo (as among us there is generally some
leading or principle stag in a park), who was always more
deformed in body and mischievous in disposition than any
of the rest. That this leader had usually a favorite as like
himself as he could get, whose employment was to lick his
master's feet and posteriors, and drive the female Yahoos to
his kennel;* for which he was now and then rewarded with a
piece of ass's flesh. This favorite is hated by the whole herd,
and therefore, to protect himself, keeps always near the per-
son of his leader. He usually continues in ofifice till a worse
can be found; but the very moment he is discarded, his suc-
cessor, at the head of all the Yahoos in that district, young
and old, male and female, come in a body,f and discharge
their excrements upon him from head to foot. But how far
this might be applicable to our courts, and favorites, and
ministers of state, my master said I could best determine.'*
I durst make no return to this malicious insinuation,
which debased human understanding below the sagacity of
a common hound, who has judgment enough to distin-
guish and follow the cry of the ablest dog in the pack, with-
out being ever mistaken.
My master told me, "there were some qualities remark-
able in the Yahoos, which he had not observed me to men-
tion, or at least very slightly, in the accounts I had given
him of human-kind." He said, "those animals, like other
brutes had their females in common; but in this they dif-
fered, that the she Yahoos would admit the males while
she was pregnant; and that the males would quarrel and
fight with the females, as fiercely as with each other; both
which practices were such degrees of infamous brutality,
as no other sensitive creature ever arrived at.
* Flattery and pimping-.— Hawkesworth.
t This sentence is altogether ungrammatical: "his successor" is the
only nominative to the plural verb "come"; it may be thus amended,—
"but the very moment he is disca.rded, all the Yahoos in that district,
young and old, male and female, with his successor at their head,
come in a body," etc.— Sheridan.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 32i
''Another thing he wondered at in the Yahoos, was their
strange disposition to nastiness and dirt; whereas there ap-
pears to be natural love of cleanliness in all other animals."
As to the two former accusations, I was glad to let them
pass without any reply, because I had not a word to ofifer
upon them in defense of my species, which otherwise I
certainly had done from my own inclinations. But I could
have easily vindicated humankind from the imputation of
singularity upon the last article, if there had been any svv^ine
in that country (unluckily for me there were not), which
although it may be sweeter quadruped than a Yahoo, can-
not, I humbly conceive, in justice, pretend to more clean-
liness; and so his honor himself must have owned, if he
had seen their filthy way of feeding, and their custom of wal-
lowing and sleeping in the mud.
My master likewise mentioned another quality, which his
servants had discovered in several Yahoos, and to him was
wholly unaccountable. He said, "a fancy would sometimes
take a Yahoo to retire to a corner, to lie down, and hov^^l,
and groan, and spurn away all that came near him, although
he were young and fat, wanted neither food nor water, or
did the servant imagine what could possibly ail him. And
the only remedy they found was, to set him to hard work,
after which he would infallibly come to himself." To this I
was silent out of partiality to my own kind; yet here I
could plainly discover the true seeds of spleen, which only
seizes on the lazy, the luxurious, and the rich ; who,* if they
were forced to undergo the same regimen, I would under-
take for the cure.
His honor had farther observed, ''that a female Yahoo
would often stand behind a bank or a bush, to gaze on the
young males passing by, and then appear and hide, using
many antic gestures and grimaces, at which time it was ob-
served that she had a most offensive smell; and Vv^hen any
of the males advanced, would slowly retire, looking often
back, and with a counterfeit show of fear, run off into some
convenient place, where she knevv^ the male would follow
her.
*'At other times, if a female stranger came among them,
three or four of her own sex would get about her, and stare,
* Here the word "who," is a nominative without reference to any
verb afterward.— Sheridan.
21
32^ GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
and chatter, and grin, and smell her all over ; and then turn
off with gestures, that seemed to express contempt and dis-
dain.'^
Perhaps my master might refine a little in these specu-
lations which he had drawn from what he observed himself,
or had been told him by others; however, I could not reflect
without some amazement, and much sorrow, that the rudi-
ments of lewdness, coquetry, censure, and scandal, should
have place by instinct in womankind,
I expected every moment that my master would accuse
the Yahoos of those unnatural appetites in both sexes, so
common among us. But nature, it seems, has not been so
expert a school-mistress; and these politer pleasures are en-
tirely the productions of art and reason on our side of the
globe.*
* The Duchess-dowager of Marlboroug-h forgot her ancient hatred
of Swift when she found him a sharer in her misanthropy. In her
pubhshed opinions, under the head 1736, she says, "Dean Swift gives
the most exact account of kings, ministers, bishops, and courts of jus-
tice, that is possible to be writ. He has certainly a vast deal of wit.
and since he could contribute so much to pulling down the most honest
and best intentioned ministry that I ever knew (Queen Anne's Whig
administration), with the help only of Abigail (Mrs. Masham), and one
or two more, and has certainly stopped the finishing stroke to ruin the
Irish in the project of the halfpence, in spite of all the ministry could
do, I cannot help wishing that we had had his assistance in the oppo-
sition; for I could easily forgive him all the slaps he has given me and
the Duke of Marlborough, and have thanked him heartily whenever he
pleased to do good. I never saw him in my life; and though his writ-
ings have entertained me very much, yet I see he writes sometimes for
interest, for In his books he gives my Lord of Oxford so great a char-
acter as if he was speaking of Socrates or Marcus Antoninus. But
when I am dead, the reverse of that character will come out, with
vouchers to it under his own hand." (The Duchess was a true proph-
etess, as appears from Swift's notes on Macky, which we have given
in the Appendix to Lilliput.)
Again, under the same head, she says, "The style of the lord's ad-
dress puts me in mind of Dean Swift's account, who I am prodigiously
fond of, which he gives of the manner in which he was introduced to
the King of Luggnagg." And again she records, "I most heartily
wish that in this park I had some of the breed of those charming crea-
tures Swift speaks of, and calls the Houyhnhnms, which I understand
to be horses, so extremely polite, and which had all manner of good
conversation, good principles, and that never told a lie, and charmed
him so, that he could not endure his own country when he returned.
He says there is a sort of creature there called Yahoo, and of the same
species with us, only a great deal ugher; but they are kept tied up:
and by that glorious creature the horse, are not permitted to do any
mischief; I really have not been pleased so much a long time as with
v/hat he writes." Another point of union between Swift and the
Duchess was their common hatred of Sir Robert Walpole. In 1735, she
writes, "The chief must have great talents, or he could not have com-
passed what he has. But I do really believe that there never was an
instance in any government of so much brutality, ill principles, and
folly. But which way any of these things can be changed I cannot yet
see into." In 1739, after a long account of some illness which Walpole
had she adds: "I think it is thought a fault to wish anybody dead
but I hope it is none to wish he might be hanged, having brought to
ruin so great a country as this might have been.
GULLIVEK'a TRAVELS. 323
CHAPTER VIII.
THE AUTHOR RELATES SEVERAL PARTICULARS OF THE
YAHOOS— THE GREAT VIRTUES OF THE HOUYHNHNMS -
THE EDUCATION AND EXERCISE OF THEIR YOUTH —
THEIR GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
Judging that I ought to have understood human nature
much better than I supposed it possible for my master to do,
itw^'S.-Sasy-iQ apply, the character he gave of the Yahoos to
n}Xself_and my countrymen; and I believed I could yet
niake farther discoveries, from my own observation. I
therefore often begged his honor to let me go among the
herds of Yahoos in the neighborhood; to which he always
very graciously consented, being perfectly convinced that
the hatred I bore these brutes would never suffer me to be
corrupted by them; and his honor ordered one of his ser-
vants, a strong sorrel nag, very honest and good-natured,
to be my guard; without whose protection I durst not
undertake such adventures. For I have already told the
reader how much I was pestered by these odious animals,
upon my first arrival; and I afterwards failed very narrowly
three or four times of falling into their clutches, when I hap-
pened to stray at any distance without my hanger. And I
have reason to believe they had some imagination that
I was of their own species, which I often assisted myself
by stripping up my sleeves, and showing my naked arms
and breast in their sight, when my protector was with me.
At which time they would approach as near as they durst,
and imitate my actions after the manner of monkeys, but
ever with great signs of hatred; as a tame jackdaw w^th
cap and stockings is always persecuted by the wild ones,
when he happens to be got among them.
They are prodigiously nimble from their infancy. How-
ever, I once caught a young male of three years old, and
endeavored, by all marks of tenderness, to make it quiet;
but the little imp fell a squalling, and scratching, and biting
with such violence, that I was forced to let it go; and it was
high time, for a whole troop of old ones came about us at
the noise, but finding the cub was safe (for away it ran)^
324 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
and my sorrel nag being by, they durst not venture near
us. I observed the young animal's flesh to smell very rank,
and the stink was between a weasel and a fox, but much
more disagreeable. I forgot another circumstance (and per-
haps I might have the reader's pardon if it were wholly
omitted), that while I held the odious vermin in my hands,
it voided its filthy excretions of a yellow liquiTi substance all
over my clothes; but by a good fortune there was a brook
hard by, v/here I V\^ashed myself as clean as I could;
although I durst not come into my master's presence until
I was sufficiently aired.
. '" By what I could discover, the Yahoos appear to be the
Lmost unteachable of all animals; their capacities never
reaching higher than to draw or carQ^_buriiens. Yet I am of
opinion, that defect arises chiefly from a perverse, restive
disposition. For they are cunning, malicious, treacherous,
and revengeful. They are strong and hardy, but of a cow-
ardly spirit, and by consequence insolent, abject, and cruel.
It is observed, that the red-haired of both sexes are more
libidinous and mischievous tlian the rest, whom they yet
much exceed in strength and activity.
The Houyhnhnms keep the Yahoos for present use, in
huts not far from the house ; but the rest are sent abroad to
certain fields, where they dig up roots, eat several kinds of
herbs, and search about for carrion, or sometimes catch
weasels and "luhimuhs" (a sort of wild rat), which they
greedily devour. Nature has taught them to dig deep holes
with their nails on the side of a rising ground, wherein they
lie by themselves; only the kennels of the females are larger,
sufficient to hold two or three cubs.
They swim from their infancy like frogs, and are able to
continue long under water, where they often take fish, which
the females carry home to their young. And, upon this
occasion, I hope the reader will pardon my relating an odd
adventure.
Being one day abroad with my protector, the sorrel nag,
and the weather exceeding hot, I entreated him to let me
bathe in a river that was near. He consented, and I im-
m.ediately stripped myself stark naked, and went down softly
into the stream. It happened that a young female Yahoo
standing behind a bank, saw the whole proceeding, and in-
flamed by desire, as the nag and I conjectured, came run-
GULLlVEirS TRAVELS. S25
ning with all speed, and leaped into the water within five
yards of the place where I bathed. I was never in my life
so terribly frightened. The nag was grazing at some dis-
tance, not suspecting any harm. She embraced me after a
most fulsome manner. I roared as loud as I could, and the
nag came galloping towards me, whereupon she quitted her
grasp, with the utmost reluctancy, and leaped upon the op-
posite bank, where she stood gazing and howling all the
time I was putting on my clothes.
This was a matter of diversion to my master and his
family, as well as of mortification to myself. Eor-Jiow I-
cquld no longer deny that I was a real Yahoo in every limb
and feature, since the females had a natural propensity to
me, as one of their own species ; neither was the hair of this
brute of a red color (which might have been some excuse for
an appetite a little irregular), but black as a sloe, and her
countenance did not make an appearance altogether so
hideous as the rest of her kind; for I think she could not be
above eleven years old.
Having lived three years in this country, the reader, I
suppose, will expect that I should, like other travelers, give
him some account of the manners and customs of its inhabi-
tants, which it v/as, indeed, my principal study to learn.
As these noble Houyhnhnms are endowed by nature
with a general disposition to all virtues, and have no concep-
tions or ideas of what is evil in a rational creature ; so their
grand maxim is to cultivate reason, and to be wholly gov-
erned by it. Neither is reason among them a point problem-
atical, as with us, Vv^here men can argue with plausibility on
both sides of the question ; but strikes you with immediate
conviction, as it must needs do, where it is not mingled^ ob-
scured or discolored, by passion and interest. I remember
it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master
to understand the meaning of the word opinion, or how a
point could be disputable; because reason taught us to af-
firm or deny, only where we are certain; and beyond our
knowledge we cannot do either. So that controversies,
wranglings, disputes, and positiveness, in false or dubious
propositions, are evils unknown among the Houyhnhnms.
In the like manner, when I used to explain to him our sev-
eral systems of natural philosophy, he would laugh, ''that a
creature pretending to reason, should value itself upon the
S26 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in things
where that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use."
Wherein he agreed entirely with the sentiments of Socrates,
as Plato delivers them; which I mentioned as the highest
honor I can do that prince of philosophers. I have often
since reflected, what destruction such doctrines would make
in the libraries of Europe; and how many paths of fame
would be then shut up in the learned world.
Friendship and benevolence are two principal virtues
among the Houyhnhnms; and these are not confined to
particular objects, but universal to the whole race. For a
stranger from the remotest part is equally treated with the
nearest neighbor; and wherever he goes, looks upon him-
self as at home. They preserve decency and civility in the
highest degrees, but are altogether ignorant of ceremony.
They have no fondness for their colts or foals, but "the care
they take in educating them proceeds entirely from the dic-
tates_j:ilJxas.on- And I observed my master to show the
_same affection for his neighbor's issue, that he had for hij
^own. They will have it that nature teaches them to love
:he whole species, and it is reason only that makes a distinc-
ion of persons, where there is a superior degree of virtue.^
When the matron Houyhnhnms have produced one "of
each sex, they no longer accompany with their consorts,
except they lose one of their issue by some casuality, which
veiy seldom happens; but in such a case they meet again;
or when the like accident befalls a person whose wife is past
bearing, some other couple bestow on him one of their own
colts, and then go together again until the mother is preg-
nant. This caution is necessary, to prevent the country from
being overburdened with numbers. But the race of in-
ferior Houyhnhnms bred up to be servants, is not strictly
limited upon this article; these are allowed to produce three
of each sex, to be domestics in the noble families.
In their marriages, they were exactly careful to choose
such colors as will not make any disagreeable mixture in the
breed. Strength is chiefly valued in the male, and comeli-
ness in the female ; not upon the account of love, but to pre-
serve the race from degenerating; for where a female hap-
pens to excel in strength, a consort is chosen with regard to
comeliness.
Courtship, love, presents, jointures, settlements, have no
A
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 327
place in their thoughts; or terms whereby to express them
in their language. The young couple meet, and are joined,
merely because it is the determination of their parents and
h'iends; it is what they see done every day, and they look
upon it as one of the necessary actions of a reasonable being.
But the violation of marriage, or any other unchastity, was
never heard of, and the married pair pass their lives with the
same friendship and mutual benevolence that they bear to
all others of the same species who come in their way; with-
out jealousy, fondness, quarrening\,_ordiscontent.
In educating the youth otj^pthsexes^their method is ad-
m.irable, and highly deserves our nnitation. These are not
suffered to taste a grain of oats, except upon certain days,
till eighteen years old; nor milk, but very rarely;' and in
summer they graze two hours in the morning, and as many
in the evening, which their parents likewise observe ; but the
servants are not allowed above half that time, and a great
part of their grass is brought home, which they eat at the
most convenient hours, when they can be best spared from
work.
Temperance, industry, exercise, and cleanliness, are the
lessons equally enjoined to the young ones of both sexes;
and my master thought it monstrous in us, to give the fe-
males a different kind of education from the males, except
in some article of domestic management; whereby, as he
truly observed, one half of our natives were good for noth-
ing but bringing children into the world: and to trust the
care of our children to such useless animals, he said, was
yet a greater instance of brutality.
But the Houyhnhnms train up their youths to strength,
speed, and hardiness, by exercising them in running races
up and down steep hills, and over hard stony grounds; and
when they are all in a sweat they are ordered to leap over
head and ears into a pond or river. Four times a year the
youth of a certain district meet to show their proficiency in
running and leaping, and other feats of strength and agility;
where the victor is rewarded with a song in his or her praise.
On this festival, the servants drive a herd of Yahoos into the
field, laden with hay, and oats, and milk, for a repast to the
Houyhnhnms, after which these brutes are immediately
driven back again, for fear of being noisome to the assembly.
Every fourth year, at the vernal equinox, there is a rep-
32» GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
resentative council of the whole nation, which meets in a
plain about twenty miles from our house, and continues
about five or six days. Here they inquire into the state
and condition of the several districts; whether they abound
or be deficient in hay, or oats, or cows, or Yahoos; and
wherever there is any want (which is but seldom) it is im-
mediately supplied by unanimous consent and contribution.
Here likewise the regulation of children is settled; as for in-
stance, if a Houyhnhnm has two males, he changes one of
them with another that has two females; and when a child
has been lost by any casualty, where the mother is past
breeding, it is determined what family in the district shall
breed another to supply the loss.*
* Bishop Warburton, in a work originally published anonymously,
gives the following- severe review of Swift: "The religious author of
the 'Tale of a Tub' will tell you religion is but a reservoir for fools and
madmen; and the virtuous Lemuel Gulliver will answer for the state,
that it is a den of savages and cut-throats. Let it be as they say tha^t
ridicule and satire are the siapplement of public laws, should not then
the ends of both be the same — the benefit of mankind? But where is
the sense of a general satire, if the whole species be degenerated? And
where is the justice of it if it be not? The punishment of lunatics is
as wise as the one, and a general execution as honest as the other;
in short, a general satire is the work only of ill men or little geniuses.
The immortal Socrates employed his wit to better nurpose; his vein
was rich but frugal; he thought the laugh came too dear when bought
at the expense of probity, and therefore laid it all out in the improve-
ment and reform of manners. But, not to be partial to antiquity, it
must be owned that even then, for one Socrates to reform, it had a
Democritus to sneer, a Diogenes to snarl, nay, even an Heraclitus to
weep, at human obliquity. So much easier has it always been to in-
vent a false philosophy on the credit of a prevailing passion than to
use even the first principles of reason to curb and restrain it. And
here it is well worth observing that he of all those whom the world
treated most severely, was the reformer; as he who most grossly
abused his reason, even to the arguing against geometrical demonstra-
tion, was the scoffer. Again at the revival of letters, a second So-
crates arose in Erasmus, a Democritus in Rabelais, and a Diogenes in
Peter Aretin. And again, the well-directed raillery of the great re-
former drew down against its author more enemies than did all the
filth, scurrility, and impieties of the buffoon and cynic." — A Critical
Enquiry into Prodigies, etc., pp. 32-34, London, 1727.
Bishop Percy, late Bishop of Dromore, in one of his unpublished
MSS., makes the following comment on the description of the Houy-
hnhnms and their policy: "That which surprises me most in the
Dean's work is his forgetting himself so much in his haste as to leave
religion out of the idea of a perfect republic. Since he gave reason to
his horses, he might consistently enough have given them a little
natural religion.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 329
CHAPTER IX.
A GRAND DEBATE AT THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OP THE
HOUYHNHNMS, AND HOW IT WAS DETERMINED — THE
LEARNING OP THE HOUYHNHNMS— THEIR BUILDINGS—
THEIR MANNER OP BURIALS — THE DEFECTIVENESS OP
THEIR LANGUAGE.
Unanimity generally prevails in the decisions of the coun-
cils of the Houyhnhnms, even when the members come to-
gether with different opinions, for no Houyhnhnm is
ashamed to become a convert to reason and argument. One
ol these grand assemblies was held in my time, about three
months before my departure, whither my master went as
the representative of our district. In this council was re-
sumed their old debate, and indeed the only debate that-
ever happened in their country; whereof my master, after
his return, gave me a very particular account.
The question to be debated was, ''whether the Yahoos
should be exterminated from the face of the earth?" One
of the members for the affirmative offered several argu-
ments of great strength and weight, alleging, "that as the
Yahoos v/ere the most filthy, noisome, and deformed ani-
mal which nature ever produced, so they were the most
restive and indocible, mischievous and malicious; they
would privately suck the teats of the Houyhnhnms' cows,
kill and devour their cats, trample down their oats and
grass, if they were not continually watched, and commit a
thousand other extravagances." He took notice of a gen-
eral tradition "that Yahoos had not been always in their
country; but that, many ages ago, tvv^o of these brutes ap-
peared together upon a mountain; whether produced by
the heat of the sun upon corrupted mud and slime, or from
the ooze and froth of the sea, was never known; that these
Yahoos engendered, and their brood, in a short time, grew
so numerous as to overrun and infest the whole nation;
that the Houyhnhnms, to get rid of this evil, made a gen-
eral hunting, and at last inclosed the whole herd; and de-
stroying the elder, every Houyhnhnm kept two young ones
in a kennel, and brought them to such a degree of tameness,
3S0 cfULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
as an animal, so savage by nature, can be capable of ac-
quiring; using them for draught and carriage; that there
seemed to be much truth in this tradition, and that those
creatures could not be ylnhniamshy (or aborigines of the
land), because of the violent hatred the Houyhnhnms, as
well as all other animals bore them, which, although their
evil disposition sufBciently deserved, could never have ar-
rived at so high a degree, if they had been aborigines; or
else they would have long since been rooted out; that the
inhabitants, taking a fancy to use the service of the Yahoos,
had very imprudently neglected to cultivate the breed of
asses, which are a comely animal, easily kept, more tame
and orderly, without any offensive smell; strong enough
for labor, although they yield to the other in agility of
body; and if their braying be no agreeable sound, it is far
preferable to the horrible bowlings of the Yahoos."
Several others declared their sentiments to the same pur-
pose, when my master proposed an expedient to the as-
sembly, whereof he had indeed borrowed the hint from me.
''He approved of the tradition mentioned by the honorable
member who spoke before, and affirmed, that the two Ya-
hoos said to be seen first among them, had been driven
thither over the sea; that coming to land, and being for-
saken by their companions, they retired to the mountains,
and degenerating by degrees, became in process of time
much more savage than those of their own species in the
country whence these two originals came. The reason of
this assertion was, that he had now in his possession a cer-
tain wonderful Yahoo (meaning myself), which most of
them had heard of, and many of them had seen. He then
related to them how he first found me; that my body was
all covered with an artificial composure of the skins and
hairs of other animals; that I spoke in a language of my
own, and had thoroughly learned theirs; that I had related
to him the accidents which brought me thither; that when
he saw me without my covering, I was an exact Yahoo in
every part, only with a whiter color, less hairy, and with
shorter clav/s. He added how I had endeavored to per-
suade him, that in my own and other countries, the Yahoos
acted as the governing, rational animal, and held the Hou-
yhnhnms in servitude; that he observed in me all the quali-
ties of a Yahoo, only a little more civilized by some tincture
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 331
of reason, which, however, was in a degree as far inferior to
the Houyhnhnm race, as the Yahoos of their country were
to me; that among other things I mentioned a custom we
had of castrating Houyhnhnms when they were young, in
order to render them tame; that the operation was easy
and safe; that it was no shame to learn wisdom from brutes,
as industry is taught by the ant, and building by the swal-
low (for so I translate the word lyhannh, although it be a
much larger fowl); that this invention might be practiced
upon the younger Yahoos here, which, beside rendering
them tractable and fitter for use, w^ould in an age put an
end to the whole species, without destroying life; that in
the meantime the Houyhnhnms should be exhorted to cul-
tivate the breed of asses, which, as they are in all respects
more valuable brutes, so they have this advantage, to be fit
for service at five years old, which the others are not till
twelve."
This was all my master thought fit to tell me at that time,
of what passed in the grand council. But he was pleased
to conceal one particular, which related personally to my-
self, whereof I soon felt the unhappy effect, as the reader
will know in its proper place, and whence I date all the suc-
ceeding misfortunes of my life.
The Houyhnhnms have no letters, and consequently their
knowledge is all traditional. But there happening few
events of any moment among the people so well united,
naturally disposed of evervvirtue. wholly governed by rea-
son, and cut off from alT commerce with other nations; the
historical part is easily preserved without burdening their
memories. I have already observed that they are subject
to no diseases, and therefore can have no need of physi-
cians. However, they have excellent medicines, composed
of herbs, to cure accidental bruises and cuts in the pastern
or frog of the foot, by sharp stones, as well as other maims
and hurts in the several parts of the body.
They calculate the year by the revolution of the sun and
the moon, but use no subdivisions into weeks. They are
well enough acquainted with the motion of those two lu-
minaries, and understand the nature of eclipses; and this is
the utmost progress of their astronomy.
In poetry, they must be allowed to excel all other mor-
tals; wherein the justness of their similes, and the minute-
332 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ness as well as exactness of their descriptions, are indeed
inimitable. Their verses abound very much in both of
these, and usually contain either some exalted notions of
friendship and benevolence, or the praises of those who
were victors in races and other bodily exercises. Their
buildings, although very rude and simple, are not incon-
venient but well contrived to defend them from all injuries
of cold and heat. They have a kind of tree, which at forty
years old lessens in the root, and falls with the first storm;
it grows very straight, and being pointed like stakes with a
sharp stone (for the Houyhnhnms know not the use of
iron), they stick them erect in the ground, about ten inches
asunder, and then weave in oat-straw, or sometimes wattles
betv/een them. The roof is made after the same manner,
and so are the doors.
The Houyhnhnms use the hollow part, between the pas-
tern and the hoof of the forefoot, as we do our hands, and
this with greater dexterity than I could at first imagine. I
have seen a white mare of our family thread a needle (which
I lent her on purpose) with that joint. They m^ilk their
cows, reap their oats, and do all the work which requires
hands, in the same manner. They have a kind of hard
flints, which by grinding against other stones, they form
into instruments, that serve instead of wedges, axes, and
hammers. With tools made of these flints, they likewise
cut their hay, and reap their oats, Vv^hich there grow natur-
ally in several fields; the Yahoos draw home the sheaves
in carriages, and the servants tread them in certain covered
huts to get out the grain, which is kept in stores. They
make a rude kind of earthen and wooden vessels, and bake
the former in the sun.
If they can avoid casualties, they die only of old age, and
are buried in the obscurest places that can be found, their
friends and relations expressing neither joy nor grief_at
th_drjde£arture ; nor does the dying person discover the
least regret that he is leaving the world, any more than if
he were vipon returning home from a visit to one of his
neighbors. I remember my master having once made an
appointment with a friend and his family to come to his
house, upon some affair of importance: on the day fixed,
the mistress, and her two children came very late; she made
two excuses, first for her husband, who, as she said, hap-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 3S3
pened that very morning to Ihnuwnh. The word is strong-
ly expressive in their language, but not easily rendered into
English; it signifies, ''to retire to his first mother." Her
excuse for not coming sooner, was, that her husband dying
late in the morning, she was a good while consulting her
servants about a convenient place where his body should
be laid; and I observed, she behaved herself at our house
as cheerfully as the rest; she died about three months after.
They live generally to seventy or seventy-five years, very
seldom to fourscore: some weeks before their death, they
feel a gradual decay; but without pain. During this time
they are much visited by their friends, because they cannot
go abroad with their usual ease and satisfaction. How-
ever, about ten days before their death, which they seldom
fail in computing, they return the visits that have been made
them by those who are nearest in the neighborhood, being
carried in a convenient sledge drawn by Yahoos, which
vehicle they use, not only upon this occasion, but when
they grow old, upon long journeys, or when they are lamed
by an accident; and therefore, when the dying Houyhn-
hnms return those visits, they take a solemn leave of their
friends, as if they were going to some remote part of the
country where they designed to pass the rest of their lives.
I know not whether it may be worth observing that the
Houyhnhnms have no word in their language to express
anything that is evil, except what they borrow from the de-
formities or ill qualities of the Yahoos. Thus, they denote
the folly of a servant, an omission of a child, a stone that
cuts their feet, a continuance of foul or unreasonable
weather, and the like, by adding to each the epithet of Ya-
hoo. For instance, hhnm Yahoo, whnaholm Yahoo, ynlh-
mndwihlma Yahoo, and an ill-contrived house ynholmhnm-
rohlnw Yahoo.
I could, with great pleasure, enlarge farther upon the
manners and virtues of this excellent people; but intending
in a short time to publish a volume by itself, expressly upon
that subject, I refer the reader thither; and, in the mean-
time, proceed to relate my own sad catastrophe.
334 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
CHAPTER X.
THE AUTHOR'S ECONOMY AND HAPPY LIFE AMONG THE
HOUYHNHNMS— HIS GREAT IMPROVEMENT IN VIRTUE BY
CONVERSING WITH THEM— THEIR CONVERSATIONS— THE
AUTHOR HAS NOTICE GIVEN HIM BY HIS MASTER THAT
HE MUST DEPART FROM THE COUNTRY— HE FALLS INTO
A SWOON FOR GRIEF, BUT SUBMITS— HE CONTRIVES AND
FINISHES A CANOE BY' THE HELP OF A FELLOW
SERVANT, AND PUTS TO SEA AT A VENTURE.
Just at this time I had settled my Httle economy to my
own heart's content. My master had ordered a room to
be made for me, after their manner, about six yards from
the house: the sides and floors of which I plastered with
clay, and covered with rushmats of my own contriving; I
had beaten hemp, which there grows wild, and made of it
a sort of ticking; this I filled with the feathers of several
birds I had taken with springes made of Yahoos' hairs, and*
were excellent food. I had worked two chairs with my
knife, the sorrel nag helping me in the grosser and more
laborious part. When my clothes were worn to rags, I
made myself others with the skins of rabbits, and of a cer-
tain beautiful animal, about the same size, called nnuhnoh,
the skin of which is covered with a fine down. Of these
I also made very tolerable stockings. I soled my shoes
with wood, which I cut from a tree, and fitted to the upper
leather; and when this was worn out, I supplied it with the
skins of Yahoos dried in the sun. I often got honey out of
hollow trees which I mingled with water, or ate with my
bread. No man could more verify the truth of these two
maxims, "That nature is very easily satisfied;" and, "That
necessity is the mother of invention." I enjoyed perfect
health of body, and tranquilHty of mind; I did not feel the
treachery or inconstancy of a friend, nor. the injuries of a
secret or open enemy. I had no occasion of bribing, fiat-
* It should be,— and "which" were excellent food. This sentence is
faulty in other respects; but there, as well as in other passages of
these Voyag-es, the author has intentionally made use of inaccurate
expression and studied negligence, In order to make the style more
like that of a seafaring man : on which account they have been passed
over in silence^ where such intention was obvious,— Sheridan*
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 335
tering, or pimping, to procure the favor of any great man,
or of his minion. I wanted no fence against fraud or op-
pression: here was neither physician to destroy my body,
nor lawyer to ruin my fortune; no informer to watch my
words and actions, or forge accusations against me for hire;
here were no gibers, censurers, backbiters, pickpockets,
highwaymen, housebreakers, attorneys, bawds, bufifoons,
gamesters, poHticians, wits, splenetics, tedious talkers; con-
trovertists, ravishers, murderers, robbers, virtuosoes; no
leaders, or followers, of party and faction; no encouragers
to vice, by seducement or example; no dungeon, axes, gib-
bets, whipping-posts, or pillories; no cheating shopkeep-
ers or mechanics; no pride, vanity, or affectation; no fops,
bullies, drunkards, strolling whores, or poxes; no ranting,
lewd, expensive wives; no stupid, proud pedants; no im-
portunate, overbearing, quarrelsome, noisy, roaring, empty,
conceited swearing companions; no scoundrels raised from
the dust upon the merits of their vices, or nobility thrown
into it on account of their virtues; no lords, fiddlers, judges,
or dancing-masters.
I had the favor of being admitted to several Houyhn-
hnms who carne to visit or dine with my master; where his
honor graciously suffered me to wait in the room, and listen
to their discourse. Both he and his companion would often
descend to ask me questions, and receive my answers.
I had also sometimes the honor of attending my master in
his visits to others. I never presumed to speak, except in
answer to a question ; and then I did it with inward regret,
because it was a loss of so much time for improving myself:
but I was infinitely delighted with the station of an humble
auditor in such conversations, where nothing passed but
what was useful, expressed in the fewest and most signifi-
cant words: where, as I have already said, the greatest de-
cency was observed without the least degree of ceremony;
where no person spoke without being pleased himself, and
pleasing his companions; where there was no interruption,
tediousness, heat, or difference of sentiments. They have
a notion, that when people are met together, a short silence
does much improve conversation; this I found to be true;
for during those little intermissions of talk, new ideas would
arise in their minds, which very much enlivened the dis-
course. Their subjects are generally on friendship and
336 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
benevolence, on order and economy; sometimes upon the
visible operations of nature, or ancient traditions; upon the
bonds and limits of virtue; upon the unerring rules of rea-
son, or upon some determinations to be taken at the next
assembly; and often upon the various excellences of poetry.
I may add, without vanity, that my presence often gave
them sufficient matter for discourse, because it afforded my
master an occasion of letting his friends into the history of
me and my country, upon which they were all pleased to
descant, in a manner not very advantageous to humankind ;
and for that reason I shall not repeat Vv^hat they said: only
I may be allowed to observe, that his honor, to my great
admiration, appeared to understand the nature of Yahoos
much better than myself. He went through all our vices
and follies, and discovered many, which I had never men-
tioned to him, by only supposing what qualities a Yahoo of
their country, with a small proportion of reason, might be
capable of exerting; and concluded, with too much proba-
bility, "of how vile, as well as miserable such a creature
must be."
''I freely confess, that all the little knowledge I have of
any value, was acquired by the lectures I received from my
master, and from hearing the discourses of him and his
friends; to which I should be prouder to listen, than to dic-
tate to the greatest and wisest assembly in Europe. I ad-
mired the strength, comeliness, and speed of the inhabit-
ants; and such a constellation of virtues, in such amiable
persons, produced in me the highest veneration. At first,
indeed, I did not feel that natural awe, which the Yahoos
and all other animals bear tow'anJs'them; but it grew upon
me by degrees, much sooner than I imagined, and was
mingled with a respectful love and gratitude, that they
woutcl" condescend to distinguish me from the rest of my
specter: ■
"^*When I thought of my family, my friends, my country-
men, or the human race in general, I considered them, as
they really were. Yahoos in shape and disposition, perhaps
a jittle more civilized, and qualified with the gift of speech ;
but making^ no other use of reason than to improve and
multiply those \d££54. vvlierebf their bfeThrenTn^HTs'Tcmntry
had only the share that nature allotted them. When I hap-
pened to behold the reflection of my own form in a lake or
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 337
a fountain, I ttmiei^av^t^on^^ Jace_ki h detesta-
tion oJ_myse]f; and conlcl better endure the sight of a coni-
mo'nXS^^oos than of my own person. By conversing with
the Houyhnhnms and looking upon them with dehght, I
fell to imitate their gait and gestures, which is now grown
into a habit; and my friends often tell me, in a blunt way,
"that I trot like a horse," which, however, I take for a great
compliment; neither shall I disown, that in speaking I am
apt to fall into the voice and m^anner of the Houyhnhnms,
and hear myself ridiculed on that account, without the least
mortification.
In the midst of all this happiness, and when I looked
upon myself to be fully settled for life, my master sent for
me one morning a little earher than his usual hour; I ob-
served by his countenance that he was in some perplexity,
and at a loss how to begin what he had to speak. After a
short silence he told me, ''he did not know how I would
take what he was going to say: that in the last general as-
sembly, when the affair of the Yahoos was entered upon,
the representatives had taken offense at his keeping a Ya-
hoo (meaning myself) in his family, more like a Houyhn-
hnm than a brute animal; that he was known frequently to
converse with me, as if he could receive some advantage or
pleasure in my company; that such a practice was not agree-
able to reason or nature, or a thing ever heard of before
among them ; the assembly did therefore exhort him either
to employ me like the rest of my species, or command me
to swim back to the place whence I came: that the first of
these expedients was utterly rejected by all the Houyhn-
hnms who had ever seen me at his house or their own ; for
they alleged, that because I had some rudiments of reason,
added to the natural gravity of those animals, it was to be
feared I might be able to seduce them into the woody and
mountainous parts of the country, and bring them in troops
by night to destroy the Houyhnhnms' cattle, as being nat-
urally of the ravenous kind, and averse from labor."
My master added, ''that he was daily pressed by the
Houyhnhnms of the neighborhood, to have the assembly's
exhortation executed, which he could not put off much
longer. He doubted it would be impossible for me to
swim to another country; and therefore wished I would
contrive some sort of a vehicle, resembling those I had de-
22
338 GULLIVER'S fRAVELS.
scribed to him, that might carry me on the sea; in which
work I should have the assistance of his own servants, as
/ well as those of his neighbors." He concluded, ''that for
/ his own part, he could have been content to keep me in his
( service as long as I lived; because he found I had cured
V myself of some bad habits and dispositions, by endeavoring,
J as far as my inferior nature was capable, to imitate the
/ Houyhnhnms."
^ I should here observe to the reader, that a decree of the
general assembly in this country is expressed by the word
hnhloayn, which signifies an exhortation, as near as I can
render it: for they have no conception how a rational crea-
ture can be compelled, but only advised, or exhorted; be-
cause no person can disobey reason, without giving up his
claim to be a rational creature.
I was struck with the utmost grief and despair at my
masters discourse; and being unable to support the agonies
I was under, I fell into a swoon at his feet. When I came
to myself he told me, ''that he concluded I had been dead;"
for these people are subject to no such imbecilities of na-
ture. I answered in a faint voice, '''that death would have
been too great a happiness; that although I could not
blame the assembly's exhortation, or the urgency of his
friends ; yet, in my weak and corrupt judgment, I thought
it might consist with reason to have been less rigorous:
that I could not swim a league, and probably the nearest
land to theirs might be distant above a hundred : that many
materials, necessary for making a small vessel to carry me
off, were wholly wanting in this country; which, however,
•I would attempt, in obedience and gratitude to his honor,
although I concluded the thing to be impossible, and there-
fore looked on myself as already devoted to destruction:
that the certain prospect of an unnatural death was the
least of my evils; for, supposing I shnulrj pgrapp with lifp
bv^me^range adventu^^, ho^^^ mnlrl T tVii'nV w^'thj^^jmppr
of passing my days among Yahoos, and relapsing into my
old Corruptions for wgjnj- f^f pv^p]pQ tp lead and keep me
withirTTITFpaths oijArt^ that I knew too well upon what
solid reasons all the determinations of the wise Houyhn-
hnms were founded, not to be shaken by arguments of
mine, a miserable Yahoo; and therefore, after presenting
him with my humble thanks for the ofifer of his servant's
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 339
assistance in making a vessel, and desiring a reasonable
time for so difficult a work, I told him I would endeavor to
preserve a wretched being; and if ever I returned to Eng-
land, was not without hopes of being useful to my own spe-
cies, by celebrating the praises of the renowned Houyhn-
hnms, and proposing their virtues to the imitation of man-
kind."
My master, in a few words, made a very gracious reply;
allowed me the space of two months to finish my boat ; and
ordered the sorrel nag, my fellow servant (for so at this dis-
tance I may presume to call him), to follow my instruction,
because I told my master, "that his help would be sufficient,
and I knew he had a tenderness for me."
In his company, my first business was to go to that part
of the coast where my rebellious crew had ordered me to be
set on shore. I got upon a height, and looking on every
side into the sea, fancied I saw a small island towards the
north-east; I took out my pocket-glass, and could then
clearly distinguish it about five leagues ofif, as I computed:
but it appeared to the sorrel nag to be only a blue cloud:
for as he had no conception of ^any country beside his own,
so he could not be as expert in distinguishing remote ob-
jects at sea, as we who so much converse'^' in that element.
After I had discovered this island, I considered no far-
ther: but resolved it should, if possible, be the first place of
my banishment, leaving the consequence to fortune.
I returned home, and consulting with the sorrel nag, we
went into a copse at some distance, where I with my knife,
and he with a sharp flint, fastened very artificially after
their manner to a wooden .handle, cut down several oak
wattles, about the thickness of a walking staff, and some
larger pieces. But I shall not trouble the reader with a
particular description of my own mechanics; let it suffice
to say, that in six weeks' time, with the help of the sorrel
nag, who performed the parts that required most labor, I
finished a sort of Indian canoe, but much larger, covering
it with the skins of Yahoos, well stitched together with
hempen threads of my own making. My sail was likewise
composed of the skins of the same animal; but I made use
* This is an uncommon use of the word "converse"; instead of the
verb, the adjective is always employed in this sense; as thus — "as we
who are so conversant in that element, "—Sheridan.
310 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
of the youngest I could get, the older being too tough and
thick; and I likewise provided myself with four paddles.
I laid in a stock of boiled flesh of rabbits and fowls; and
took with me two vessels, one filled with milk and the other
with water.
I tried my canoe in a large pond, near my master's house,
and then corrected in it what was amiss; stopping all the
chinks with Yahoo's tallow, till I found it staunch, and able
to bear me and my freight ; and when it was as complete as
I could possibly make it, I had it drav/n on a carriage very
gently by Yahoos to the seaside, under the conduct of the
sorrel nag and another servant.
When all was ready, and the day came for my departure,
I took leave of my master, and lady, and the whole family,
my eyes flowing with tears, and my heart quite sunk with
grief. But his honor, out of curiosity, and perhaps, (if I
may speak it without vanity) partly out of kindness, was
determined to see me in my canoe; and got several of his
neighboring friends to accompany him. I was forced to
wait above an hour for the tide, and then observing the
wind very fortunately bearing towards the island to which
I intended to steer my course, I took a second leave of my
master: but as I was going to prostrate myself to kiss his
hoof, he did me the honor to raise it gently to my mouth.
I am not ignorant how much I have been censured for men-
tioning this last particular. Detractors are pleased to think
it improbable, that so illustrious a person should descend
to give so great a mark of distinction to a creaku'e so in-
ferior as I. Neither have I forgotten how apt some trav-
elers are to boast of extraordinary favors they have re-
ceived. But, if these censurers were better acquainted with
the noble and courteous disposition of the Houyhnhnms,
they would soon change their opinion.
I paid my respects to the rest of the Houyhnhnms in his
honoris company; then getting into my canoe, I pushed off
from the shore.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 341
CHAPTER XL
THE AUTHOR'S DANGEROUS VOYAGE— HE ARRIVES AT NEW
HOLLAND, HOPING TO SETTLE THERE — IS WOUNDED
WITH AN ARROW BY ONE OP THE NATIVES— IS SEIZED
AND CARRIED BY FORCE INTO A PORTUGUESE SHIP— THE
GREAT CIVILITIES OF THE CAPTAIN— THE AUTHOR AR-
RIVES AT ENGLAND.
Just at nine o'clock in the morning of February 15, 1714,
I began this desperate voyage. The wind was very favora-
ble; however, I made use at first only of my paddles: but
considering I should soon be weary, and that the wind
might chop about, I ventured to set up my little sail; and
thus, with the help of the tide, I went at the rate of a league
and a half an hour, as near as I could guess. My master
and his friends continued on the shore till I was almost out
of sight; and I often heard the sorrel nag (who always loved
me) crying out ''Hnuy illanyha majah Yahoo;" — Take care
of thyself, gentle Yahoo.
My design was, if possible, to discover some small island
uninhabited, yet sufficient by my labor to furnish me with
the necessaries of life, which I would have thought a great-
er happiness, than to be first minister in the politest court
of Europe; so horrible was the idea I conceived of return-
ing to live in the society and under the government of Ya-
hoos. For in such a solitude as I desired, I could at least ^
enjoy my own thoughts, and reflect with delight on thei
virtues of those inimitable Houyhnhnms without any op-/
portunity of degenerating into the vices and corruptions of S
my own species. "^
The reader, may remember what I related when my crew
conspired against me, and confined me to my cabin; how I
continued there several weeks without knowing what course
we took, and when I vv^as put ashore in the longboat, how
the sailors told me with oaths, whether true or false, ''that
they knew not in what part of the world we were." Hovv-
ever, I did then believe us to be about 10 degrees south-
w^ard of the Cape of Good Hope, or about 45 degrees south-
342 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
ern latitude, as I gathered from some general words I over-
heard among them, being I supposed to the south-east in
their intended voyage to Madagascar. And although this
were little better than conjecture, yet I resolved to steer my
course eastward, hoping to reach the south-west coast of
New Holland, and perhaps some such island as I desired,
lying westward of it. The wind was full west, and by six
in the evening I computed I had gone eastward at least
eighteen leagues; when I spied a very small island about
half a league off, which I soon reached. It was nothing
but a rock, with one creek naturally arched by the force of
tempests. Here I put in my canoe, and climbing a part of
the rock, I could plainly discover land to the east extending
from south to north. I lay all night in my canoe, and re-
peating my voyage early in the morning, I arrived in seven
hours to the south-west point of New Holland. This con-
firmed me in the opinion I have long entertained, that the
maps and charts place this country at least three degrees
more to the east than it really is; which thought I com-
municated many years ago to my worthy friend, Mr. Her-
man Moll, and gave him my reasons for it, although he has
rather chosen to follow other authors.
•^ I saw no inhabitants in the place where I landed, and
being unarmed, I was afraid of venturing far into the coun-
try. I found some shellfish on the shore, and ate them raw,
not daring to kindle a fire, for fear of being discovered by
the natives. I continued three days feeding on oysters and
limpets, to save my own provisions; and I fortunately found
a brook of excellent water, which gave me great relief.
On the fourth day, venturing out a little too far, I -saw
twenty or thirty natives upon a height not above five hun-
dred yards from me. They were stark naked, men, women
and children round a fire, as I could discover by the smoke.
One of them spied me, and gave notice to the rest; five of
them advanced toward me, leaving the women and children
at the fire. I made what haste I could to the shore, and,
getting into my canoe, shoved off: the savages, observing
me retreat, ran after me, and before I could get far enough
into the sea, discharged an arrow, which wounded me deep-
ly on the inside of my left knee: I shall carry the mark to
my grave. I apprehended the arrow might be poisoned,
and paddling out of the reach of their darts (being a calm
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 343
day), I made a shift to suck the wound, and dress it as Vv^ell
as I could.
I was at a loss what to do, for I durst not return to the
same landing-place, but stood to the north, and was forced
to paddle; for the wind, though very gentle, was against
me blowing north-west. As I was looking about for a se-
cure landing-place, I saw a sail to the north-north-east,
which appearing every minute more visible, I was in some
doubt whether I should v/ait for them or not; but at last
my detestation of the Yahoo race prevailed; and turning
my canoeV 1 sailed^ aiid paddled together to the south, and
got into the same creek whence I set out in the morning,
choosing rather to trust myself among these barbarians,
than live with European Yahoos. I drew up my canoe as
close as I could to the shore, and hid myself behind a stone
by the little brook, which, as I have already said, was ex-
cellent water.
The ship came v/ithin half a league of this creek, and sent
her longboat with vessels to take in fresh water (for the
place it seems was very well knowai), but I did not observe
it, till the boat was almost on shore; and it was too late to
seek another hiding-place. The seamen at their landing
observed my canoe, and rumaging it all over, easily con-
jectured that the owner could not be far ofif. Four of them,
well armed, searched every cranny and lurking-hole, till at
last they found me fiat on my face behind the stone. They
gazed awhile in admiration at my strange uncouth dress;
my coat made of skins, my wooden shoes and my furred
stockings; whence, however, they concluded I was not a
native of the place, who all go naked. One of the seamen, in
Portuguese, bid me rise, and asked me who I was. I un-
derstood that language very w^ell, and getting upon my feet,
said, "I was a poor Yahoo, banished from the Houyhnhnms,
and desired they would please to let me depart." They ad-
mired to hear me answer them in their own tongue, and saw
by my complexion I must be a European; but were at a -^
loss to know what I meant by Yahoos and Hou3^hnhnms;
and at the same time fell a laughing at my strange tone in
speaking, which resembled the neighing of a horse. I
trembled all the while betwixt fear and hatred. I again de-
sired leave to depart, and was gently moving to my canoe:
but they laid hold of me, desiring to know 'Svhat country
344 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
I was of? whence I came?" with many other questions. I
told them I was born in England, whence I came about five
years ago, and then their country and ours were at peace.
I therefore hoped they would not treat me as an enemy,
since I meant them no harm; but was a poor Yahoo, seek-
ing some desolate place where to pass the remainder of his
unfortunate life.
When they began to talk, I thought I never heard or saw
anything so unnatural; for it appeared to me as monstrous
as if a dog or a cow should speak in England, or a Yahoo in
Houyhnhnmland. The honest Portuguese were equally
amazed at my strange dress, and the odd manner of deliv-
ering my words, which, however, they understood very well.
They spoke to me with great humanity, and said, "they
were sure the captain would carry me gratis to Lisbon,
whence I might return to my own country; that two of the
seamen would go back to the ship, inform the captain of
what they had seen, and receive his orders; in the mean-
time, unless I would give my solemn oath not to fly, they
would secure me by force." I thought it best to comply
with their proposal. They were very curious to know my
story, but I gave them very little satisfaction, and they all
conjectured that my misfortunes had impaired my reason.
In two hours the boat, which went laden with vessels of
w^ater, returned with the captain's command to fetch me on
board. I fell on my knees to preserve my liberty; but all
was in vain ; and the men having tied me with cords, heaved
me into the boat, whence I was taken into the ship, and
thence into the captain's cabin.
His name was Pedro de Mendez; he was a very court-
eous and generous person. He entreated me to give some
account of myself, and desired to know what I would eat
or drink; said, "I should be used as well as himself;" and
spoke so many obliging things, that I wondered to find such
civilities from a Yahoo. How^ever, I remained silent and
sullen; I was ready to faint at the very smell of him and his
men. At last I desired something to eat out of my own
canoe; but he ordered me a chicken, and some excellent
wine, and then directed that I should be put to bed in a very
clean cabin. I would not undress myself, but lay on the
bedclothes, and in half an hour stole out when I thought
the men were at dinner, and getting to the side of the ship,
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 345
was going to leap into the sea and swim for my life, rather
than continue among Yahoos. But one of the seamen pre-
vented me, and having informed the captain, I was chained
to my cabin.
After dinner, Don Pedro came to me, and desired to know
my reason for so desperate an attempt; assured me, '*he
only meant to do me all the service he was able ;" and spoke
so very movingly, that at last I descended to treat him like
an animal which had some little portion of reason. I gave
him a very short relation of my voyage; of the conspiracy
against me by my own men ; of the country where they set
me on shore, and of my five years' residence there: all
which he looked upon as if it were a dream or a vision;
whereat I took great offense; for I had quite forgot the
faculty of lying, so peculiar to Yahoos in all countries where
they preside, and consequently, the disposition of suspect-
ing truth in others of their own species. I asked him,
"whether it were the custom in his country to say the thing
which v/as not?" I assured him, ''I had almost forgot what
he meant by falsehood, and if I had lived a thousand years
in Houyhnhnmland, I should never have heard a lie from
the meanest servant; that I Vv^as altogether indifferent
whether he believed me or not; but however, in return for
his favors, I would give so much allowance to the corrup-
tion of his nature, as to answer any objections he might
please to make, and then he might easily discover the truth."
The captain, a v/ise man, after many endeavors to catch
me tripping in some part of my story, at last began to have
a better opinion of my veracity. But he added "that since
I professed so inviolable an attachment to truth, I must give
him my word and honor to bear him company in his voyage,
without attempting anything against my life; or else he
would continue me a prisoner until we arrived at Lisbon."
I gave him the promise required; but at the same time pro-
tested, "that I would suffer the greatest hardships, rather
than return to live among Yahoos."
Our voyage passed without any considerable accident.
In gratitude to the captain, I sometimes sat with him at his
earnest request, and strove to conceal my antipathy against
humankind, although it often broke out, which he suffered
to pass without observation. But the greatest part of the
day I confined myself to my cabin, to avoid seeing any of
346 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
the crew. The captain had often entreated me to strip my-
self of my savage dress, and ofifered to lend me the best suit
of clothes he had. This I would not be prevailed on to ac-
cept, abhorring to cover myself with anything that had
been on the back of a Yahoo ; I only desired he would lend
me two clean shirts, which having been washed since he
wore them, I believed would not so much defile me. These
I changed every second day, and Vv^ashed them myself.
We arrived at Lisbon, November 5th, 171 5. At our
landing, the captain forced me to cover myself with his
cloak, to prevent the rabble from crowding about me. I
was conveyed to his own house; and at my earnest request
he led me up to the highest room backward. I conjured
him ''to conceal from all persons what I had told him of the
Houyhnhnms ; because the least hint of such a story would
not only draw numbers of people to see me, but probably
put me in danger of being imprisoned, or burnt by the In-
quisition." The captain persuaded me to accept a suit of
clothes newly made; but I would not suffer the tailor to
take my measure; however, Don Dedro being almost of
my size, they fitted me well enough. He accoutred me
with other necessaries, all new, which I aired for twenty-
four hours before I would use them.
The captain had no wife, nor above three servants, none
^ of which were suffered to attend at meals; and his whole
^ %f > ' deportment was so obliging, added to very good hum.an
t \ .^ understanding, that I really began to tolerate his company.
I ""^^ He gained so far upon me, that I ventured to look out of
^^s:^ the back window. By degrees I was brought into another
[ ^ room, whence I peeped into the street, but drew my head
i'^ back in a fright. In a week's time he seduced me down to
^j the door. I found my terror gradually lessened, but my
hatred and contempt seemed to increase. I was at last bold
enough to walk the street in his company, but kept my nose
well stopped with rue, and sometimes with tobacco.
In ten days, Don Pedro, to whom I had given some ac-
count of my domestic afifairs, put it upon me, as a matter of
honor and conscience, ''that I ought to return to my native
country, and live at home with my wife and children." He
told me, "there was an English ship in port just ready to
sail, and he would furnish me with all things necessary."
It would be tedious to repeat his arguments, and my con-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 347
tradictions. He ^aid, "it was altogether impossible to find
such a solitary island as I had desired to live in; but I
might command in my own house, and pass my time in a
manner as recluse as I pleased."
I complied at last, finding I could do no better. I left
Lisbon the 24th day of November, in an English merchant-
man, but who was the master I never inquired. Don Pedro
accompanied me to the ship, and lent me twenty pounds.
He took kind leave of me, and embraced me at parting,
which I bore as well as I could. During this last voyage I
had no commerce with the master or any of his men; but
pretending I was sick, kept close in my cabin. On the 25th
of December, 171 5, we cast anchor at the Downs, about
nine in the morning, and at three in the afternoon I got
safe to my house at Redriff.
My wife and family received me with great surprise and
joy, because they concluded me certainly dead; but I must
freely confess the sight of them filled me only with hatred,
disgust, and contem.pt: and the more, by reflecting on the
near alliance I had to them. For although, since my un-
fortunate exile from the Houyhnhnm country, I had com-
pelled myself to tolerate the sight of Yahoos, and to con-
verse with Don Pedro de Mendez, yet my memory and
imagination were perpetually filled with the virtues and
ideas of those exalted Houyhnhnms. And when I began to
consider that, by copulating with one of the Yahoo species
I had become a parent of more, it struck me with the ut-
most shame, confusion, and horror.
As soon as I entered the house, my wife took me in her
arms and kissed me; at which, having not been used to the
touch of that odious animal for so many years, I fell into a
swoon for almost an hour. At the time I am writing, it is
five years since my last return to England; during the first
year, I could not endure my wife and children in my pres-
ence; the smell of them was intolerable; much less could I
sufifer them to eat in the same room. To this hour they
dare not presume to touch my bread, or drink out of the
same cup, neitjier was I ever able to let one of them take
me by the hand. The first money I laid out was to buy
two young stone-horses, which I keep in a good stable ; and
next to them the groom is my greatest favorite; for I feel
my spirits revived by the smell he contracts in the stable.
348 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
My horses understand me tolerably well; I converse with
them at least four hours every day. They are strangers to
bridle and saddle; they live in great amity with me, and
friendship to each other.
CHAPTER XII.
THE AUTHOR'S VERACITY— HIS DESIGN IN PUBLISHING THIS
WORK — HIS CENSURE OF THOSE TRAVELERS WHO
SWERVE FROM THE TRUTH— THE AUTHOR CLEARS HIM-
SELF FROM ANY SINISTER ENDS IN WRITING— AN OBJEC-
TION ANSWERED— THE METHOD OF PLANTING COLONIES
—HIS NATIVE COUNTRY COMMENDED— THE RIGHT OF THE
CROWN TO TPIOSE COUNTRIES DESCRIBED BY THE AU-
THOR IS JUSTIFIED— THE DIFFICULTY OF CONQUERING
THEM— THE AUTHOR TAKES HIS LAST LEAVE OF THE
READER; PROPOSES HIS MANNER OF LIVING FOR THE
FUTURE; GIVES GOOD ADVICE, AND CONCLUDES.
And thus gentle reader, I have given thee a faithful his-
tory of my travels for sixteen years and about seven months ;
wherein I have not been so studious of ornament as of truth.
I could perhaps, like others, have astonished thee with
strange improbable tales: but I rather chose to relate plain
matter of fact in the simplest manner and style; because
my principal design was to inform, and not to amuse thee.
It is easy for us to travel into remote countries, which are
seldom visited by Englishmen or other Europeans, to form
descriptions of wonderful animals both at sea and land.
V/hereas a traveler's chief aim should be to make men wiser
and better, and to imiprove their minds by the bad, as well
as good example, of what they deliver concerning foreign
places.
I could heartily wish a law was enacted, that every trav-
eler, before he were permitted to publish his voyages, should
be obliged to make oath before the Lord High Chancellor,
that all he intended to print was absolutely true to the best
of his knowledge; for then the world would no longer be
deceived, as it usually is, while some writers, to make their
works pass the better upon the public, impose the grossest
falsities on the unwary reader. I have perused several
books of travels with great delight in my younger days;
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 349
but having since gone over most parts of tlie globe and
been able to contradict many fabulous accounts^ from my
own observation, it has given me a great disgust against
h.s part o readmg, and some indignation to sef the cfedu
ity of mankmd so impudently abused. Therefore since ml
acquaintance were pleased to think my poor 'ende-Tv^-s
might not be unacceptable to my countVy^ I imposed on
myself as a maxim never to be swerved from that T wn„M
strictly adhere to truth; neither indeed can I-'bee^er under
the least temptation to vaiy from it, while I retain in mv
mmd the lecture and example of my' noble master and t™e
other . lustrious Houyhnhnms of whom I had so long the
honor to be an humble hearer ^
„. ., ^""^ ^' miserum Portuna Sinonem
Fmxit, vanum etiam, mendaoemque improba finget.
I know very well, how litUe reputation is to be eot bv
writings, which require neither genius nor learning for in
folT Til^\T ^-^Pi-S-d memory "r^a.rexct
journaJ. i know likewise, that writers of travels like die
tionary-makers, are sunk into oblivion by thlweiSt ami
bulk of those who come last, and therefo^ ife uSmos
As u IS highly probable, that such travelers, who shall here
after visit the countries described in this worlTo^mSe mav"
SL di?covfnV,'n7r ^" ''"^? "^1 ^"y>' -^^ -dding'man';
new discoveries of their own, jostle me out of voe-tie and
^nliZT^U-r^ T^T^ *f,r^'^ f°^^*^^ ^hat e^vfr"! w' s
ai. author ihis indeed would be too great a mortifirptinn
Roo7l'catotr .^t"* 'trf'' inte^ntion w™e puX
good, 1 cannot be altogether disappointed. For who can
read of thevirtues I have mentioned in the glorburHouv
hnhnms, without being ashamed of his own vices wlien he
where d e Yahno nf ^•/°*'''"^ °^ ''?°^^ '^"^^'^ nations
Td are thl llnhT ^ '"^'' ^T°"^ ^^'^^ ^^^ 'east corrupt-
ed are the Brobdingagians, whose wise maxims in moral tv
and government it would be our happiness to ob err S
I forbear descanting farther, and rather leave the iudicious
reader to his own remarks and application J"dicious
1 am not a little pleased, that this work of mine can dos-
s.bly mee with no censurers; for what objections can be
made against the writer, who relates only plain facts? that
350 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
happened in such distant countries, where we have not the
least interest, with respect either to trade or negotiations?
I have carefully avoided every fault, with which common
writers of travels are often too justly charged. Besides, I
meddle not the least with any party, but write without pas-
sion, prejudice, or ill-will against any man, or number of
men whatsoever. I write for the noblest end to inform
and instruct mankind; over whom I may, without breach of
modesty, pretend to some superiority, from the advantages
I received by conversing so long among the most accom-
pHshed Houyhnhnms. I write without any view to profit
or praise. I never suffer a word to pass that may look like
reflection, or possibly give the least ofifense, even to those
who are most ready to take it. So that I hope I may with
justice pronounce myself an author perfectly blameless;
against whom the tribes of Answerers, Considerers, Ob-
servers, Reflectors, Detecters, Remarkers, will never be able
to find matter for exercising their talents.
I confess, it was whispered to me, "that I was bound in
duty, as a subject of England, to have given in a memorial
to a Secretary of State at my first coming over: because
whatever lands are discovered by a subject, belong to the
crown." But I doubt, whether our conquests, in the coun-
tries I treat of, would be as easy as those of Ferdinando
Cortez over the naked Americans. The Lilliputians, I
think, are hardly worth the charge of a fleet and an army
to reduce them; and I question whether it might be pru-
dent or safe to attempt the Brobdingnagians; or whether
an English army would be much at their ease, with the Fly-
ing Island over their heads. The Houyhnhnms indeed ap-
pear not to be so w^ell prepared for war, a science to which
they are perfect strangers, and especially against missive
weapons. However, supposing myself to be a minister of
state, I could never give my advice for invading them. Their
prudence, unanimity, unacquaintedness with fear, and their
love of their country, would amply supply all defects in the
military art. Imagine tw^enty thousand of them breaking
into the midst of a European army, confounding the ranks,
overturning the carriages, battering the warriors' faces into
mummy by terrible yerks from their hinder hoofs; for they
would well deserve the character given to Augustus, Re-
calcitrat midique tutus. But, instead of proposals for con-
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 351
querin-g that magnanimous nation, I rather wish they were
in a capacity, or disposition, to send a sufficient number of
their inhabitants for civihzing Europe, by teaching us the
first principles of honor, justice, truth, temperance, pubhc
spirit, fortitude, chastity, friendship, benevolence, and fidel-
ity. The names of all which virtues are still retained among
us in most languages, and are to be met with in modern, as
well as ancient authors ; which I am able to assert from my
own small reading.
But I had another reason, which made me less forward
to enlarge his majesty's dominions by my discoveries. To
say the truth, I had conceived a few scruples with relation
to the distributive justice of princes upon those occasions.
Instance, a crew of pirates are driven by a storm they know
not whither; at length a boy discovers land from the top-
mast; they go on shore to rob and plunder; they see a
harmless people; are entertained with kindness; they give
the country a new name; they take formal possession of it
or their king; they set up a rotten plank, or stone, for a
memorial ; they murder two or three dozen of the natives,
bring away a couple more by force, for a sample; return
home, and get their pardon. Here commences a new do-
minion, acquired with a title by divine right. Ships are
sent with the first opportunity; the natives driven out 9r
destroyed; their princes tortured to discover their gold;
a free license given to all acts of inhumanity and lust, the
earth reeking with the blood of its inhabitants; and this
execrable crew of butchers, employed in so pious an expedi-
tion, is a modern colony, sent to convert and civilize an
idolatrous and barbarous people.
But this description, I confess, does by no means affect
the British nation, who may be an example to the whole
world for their wisdom, care, and justice in planting colon-
ies; their liberal endowments for the advancement of re-
ligion and learning; their choice of devout and able pas-
tors to propagate Christianity; their caution in stocking
their provinces with people of sober lives and conversations
from this the mother kingdom; their strict regard to the
distribution of justice, in supplying the civil administration
through all their colonies with officers of the greatest abili-
ties, utter strangers to corruption; and, to crown all, by
sending the most vigilant and virtuous governors, who have
852 GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
no other views than the happiness of the people over whom
they preside, and the honor of the king their master.
But as those countries, which I have described, do not
appear to have any desire of being conquered and enslaved,
murdered or driven out, by colonies; nor abound either in
gold, silver, sugar, or tobacco ; I did humbly conceive, they
were by no means proper objects of our zeal, our valor or
our interest. However, if those whom it more concerns
think fit to be of another opinion, I am ready to depose,
when I shall be lawfully called, that no European did ever
visit those countries before me, I m^ean, if the inhabitants
ought to be believed, unless a dispute may arise concern-
ing the two Yahoos, said to have been seen many years ago
upon a mountain in Houyhnhnmland.
But, as to the formality of taking possession in my sover-
eign's name, it never came once into my thoughts ; and if it
had, yet, as my affairs then stood, I should perhaps, in point
of prudence and self-preservation, have put it off to a better
opportunity.
Having thus answered the only objection that can ever be
raised against me as a traveler, I here take a final leave of
all my courteous readers, and return to enjoy my own specu-
lations in my little garden at Redriff; to apply those excel-
lent lessons of virtue, which I learned among the Hou-
yhnhnms ; to instruct the Yahoos of my own family, as far
as I shall find them docible animals; to behold my figure
often in a glass, and thus, if possible, habituate myself by
time to tolerate the sight of a human creature; to lament the
brutality to Houyhnhnms, in my own country, but always
treat their persons with respect, for the sake of my noble
master, his family, his friends, and the v/hole Houyhnhnm
race, whom these of ours have the honor to resemble in all
their lineaments, however their intellectuals came to degen-
erate.
I began last week to permit my wife to sit at dinner with
me, at the farthest end of a long table; and to answer (but
with the utmost brevity) the few questions I asked her.
Yet the smell of a Yahoo continuing very offensive, I al-
ways keep my nose well stopped with rue, lavender, or to-
bacco leaves. And although it be hard for a man late in
life to remove old habits, I am not altogether out of hopes,
in some time, to suffer a neighbor Yahoo in my company.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. 353
without the apprehensions I am yet under of his teeth or
his claws.
My reconcilement to the Yahoo kind in general might
not be so difficult, if they would be content with those vices
and follies only, which nature has entitled them. to. I am
not in the least provoked at the sight of a lawyer; a pick-
pocket, a colonel, a fool, a lord, a gamester, a politician, a
whoremonger, a physician, an evidence, a suborner, an at-
torney, a traitor, or the like ; this is all according to the due
course of things: but when I behold a lump of deformity
and diseases, both in body and mind, smitten with pride, it
immediately breaks all the measures of my patience; neither
shall I be ever able to comprehend how such an animal, and
such a vice, could tally together. The wise and virtuous
Houyhnhnms, who abound in all the excellences that can
adorn a rational creature, have no name for this vice in their
language; which has no terms to express anything that is
evil, except those whereby they describe the detestable
qualities of their Yahoos ; among which they were not able
to distinguish this of pride for want of thoroughly under-
standing human nature, as it shows itself in other coun-
tries where that animal presides. But I, who had more ex-
perience, could plainly observe some rudiments of it among
the wild Yahoos.
But the Houyhnhnms, who live under the government of
reason, are no more proud of the good qualities they possess
than I should be for not wanting a leg or an arm; which
no man in his wits would boast of, although he must be
miserable without them. I dwell the longer upon this sub-
ject, from the desire I have to make the society of an Eng-
lish Yahoo by any means not insupportable; and therefore
I here entreat those, who have any tincture of this absurd
vice, that they will not presume to come in my sight.
THE END.
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ALICE. Lytton.
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AN AMERICAN GIRL IN
LONDON. Duncan.
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HEART. Russell.
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DOROTHY'S DOUBLE.
Henty.
DUCHESS. The Duchess.
EARL'S ATONEMENT.
Clay.
EAST LYNNE. Wood.
ELSIE. Heimburg.
ERNEST MALTRAVERS.
Lytton.
EUGENE ARAM. Lytton.
FAIR MAID OF PERTH.
Scott.
FAR FROM THE MAD-
DING CROWD. Hardy.
FIRST VIOLIN. FothergiU.
FORTUNES OF NIGEL.
Scott.
FROMONT, Jr. AND RIS-
LER, Sr. Daiidet.
GREAT KEINPLATZ EX-
PERIMENT. Doyle.
GREEN MOUNTAIN
BOYS. Thompson.
GRIMM'S FAIRY TALES.
GRIMM'S HOUSEHOLD
TALES.
GULLIVER'S TRAVELS.
Swift.
GUY MANNERING. Scott.
HANDY ANDY. Lover.
HANS OF ICELAND.
Hugo.
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Hume.
HAROLD. Lytton.
HEIR OF LINNE.
Buchanan.
HEIR OF REDCLYFFE.
Yonge.
HIDDEN CHAIN. Russell.
HIS WILL AND HERS.
Russell.
HORTENSE. Heimburg.
HOUSE OF THE SEVEN
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HOUSE OF THE WOLF.
Weyman.
HOUSE PARTY. Ouida.
HUNCHBACK OF NOTRE
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HYPATIA. Kingsley.
IN ALL SHADES. Allen.
INTO MOROCCO. Loti.
IRONMASTER. Ohnet.
IT'S NEVER TOO LATE
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IVANHOE. Scott.
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JOHN HALIFAX, GEN-
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JOSEPH BALSAMO.
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KINGS IN EXILE. Daudet.
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Lytton.
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The Duchess.
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MICHAEL'S CRAG. Allen.
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MILL ON THE FLOSS.
Eliot.
MINE OWN PEOPLE AND
IN BLACK AND WHITE.
Kipling.
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MODERN CIRCE.
The Duchess.
MONASTERY, THE Scott.
MY LADY NICOTINE.
Barrie.
MYSTERY OF A HANSOM
CAB. Hume.
NAPOLEON AND MARIE
LOUISE. Durand.
NEWCOMES. Thackeray.
NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
Dickens.
NOT WISELY, BUT TOO
WELL. Broughton.
ON THE HEIGHTS.
Auerbach.
ORIGIN OF SPECIES.
Darwin.
OUR MUTUAL FRIEND.
Dickens.
PATHFINDER. Cooper.
PAUL CLIFFORD. Lytton.
PELHAM. Lytton.
PEVERIL OF THE PEAK.
Scott.
PHANTOM RICKSHAW.
Kipling.
PICKWICK PAPERS.
Dickens.
PILGRIMS OF THE
RHINE. Lytton.
PILGRIM'S PROGRESS.
Bunyan.
PIONEERS. Cooper.
PLAIN TALES FROM THE
HILLS. Kipling.
PRAIRIE. Cooper.
PRICE HE PAID. Werner.
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE
OF DAVID. Ingraham.
QUENTIN DURWARD.
Scott.
REDGAUNTLET. Scott.
RED HOUSE. The Duchess.
RED SULTAN. Cobban.
REPROACH OF ANNES-
LEY. Grey.
RETURN OF THE NA-
TIVE. Hardy.
RIENZI. Lytton.
ROBINSON CRUSOE.
Defoe.
ROB ROY. Scott.
ROMANCE OF TWO
WORLDS. Corelli.
ROMOLA. Eliot.
ST. RONAN'S WELL.
Scott.
SCARLET LETTER.
Hawthorne.
SCOTTISH CHIEFS. Porter.
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